fo obfcure, but that, even in common life, we have, every moment, recourfe to the principle of public utility, and ask, What must become of the world, if fuch practices prevail? How could fociety fubfift under such disorders? Were the distinction or separation of poffeffions intirely ufelefs, can any one conceive, that it ever fhould have obtained in fociety?

Thus we feem, upon the whole, to have attained a knowlege of the force of that principle here insisted on, and can determine what degree of efteem or moral approbation may refult from reflections on public intereft and utility. The neceffity of juftice to the fupport of fociety is the SOLE foundation of that virtue; and fince no moral excellence is more highly efteemed, we may conclude, that this circumftance of usefulness has, in general, the strongest energy, and most intire command over our sentiments. It muft, therefore, be the fource of a confiderable part of the merit afcribed to humanity, benevolence, friendship, public fpirit, and other focial virtues of that stamp; as it is the SOLE fource of the moral approbation paid to fidelity, justice, veracity, integrity, and those other estimable and useful qualities and principles. 'Tis intirely agreeable to the rules of philofophy, and even of common reafon; where any principle has been found to have a great force and energy in one instance, to afcribe to it a like energy in all fimilar inftances *.

* This is Sir ISAAC NEWTON'S fecond rule of philosophizing, Prize cipia, lib. 3.

SECTION

SECTION IV.

Of POLITICAL SOCIETY.

AD

HA every man fufficient fagacity to perceive, at all

times, the ftrong intereft, which binds him to the obfervance of justice and equity, and strength of mind sufficient to persevere in a steady adherence to a general and a diftant intereft, in opposition to the allurements of prefent pleasure and advantage: There had never, in that cafe, been any fuch thing as government or political fociety, but each man following his natural liberty, had lived in intire peace and harmony with all others. What need of positive laws, where natural justice is, of itself, a fufficient reftraint? Why create magiftrates, where there never arifes any disorder or iniquity? Why abridge our native freedom, when, in every instance, the utmost exertion of it is found innocent and beneficial? 'Tis evident, that, if government were totally ufelefs, it never could have place, and that the SOLE foundation of the duty of ALLEGIANCE is the advantage which it procures to fociety, by preferving peace and order among mankind.

When a number of political focieties are erected, and maintain a great intercourse together, a new set of rules aré immediately discovered to be useful in that particular fituation; and accordingly take place, under the title of LAWS of NATIONS. Of this kind are, the facredness of the perfons of ambaffadors, abstaining VOL. II. from

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from poisoned arms, quarter in war, with others of that kind, which are plainly calculated for the advantage of ftates and kingdoms, in their intercourfe with each other.

The rules of juftice, fuch as prevail among individuals, are not intirely fufpended among political focieties. All princes pretend a regard to the rights of others; and fome, no doubt, without hypocrify. Alliances and treaties are every day made between independent states, which would only be fo much waste of parchment, if they were not found, by experience, to have fome influence and authority. But here is the difference between kingdoms and individuals. Human nature cannot, by any means, fubfift, without the affociation of individuals; and that affociation never could have place, were no regard paid to the laws of equity and juftice. Diforder, confufion, the war of all against all, are the neceffary confequences of fuch a licentious conduct. But nations can fubfift without intercourfe. They may even fubfift, in fome degree, under a general war. The obfervance of juftice, tho' ufeful among them, is not guarded by fo ftrong a neceffity as among individuals; and the moral obligation holds proportion with the usefulnefs. All politicians will allow, and moft philofophers, that REASONS of STATE may, in particular emergencies, difpenfe with the rules of justice, and invalidate any treaty or alliance, where the ftrict observance of it would be prejudicial, in a confiderable degree, to either of the contracting parties. But nothing less than the extremeft neceffity, 'tis confeft, can justify individuals in a breach of promife, or an invafion of the properties of others.

In a'confederated commonwealth, fuch as the ACHEAN republic of old, or the Swiss Cantons and United Provinces in modern times; as the league has here a pecu

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liar utility, the conditions of union have a peculiar facredness and authority, and a violation of them would be equally criminal, or even more criminal, than any private injury or injuftice.

The long and helpless infancy of man requires the combination of parents for the fubfiftance of their young; and that combination requires the virtue of C HASTITY or fidelity to the marriage-bed. Without fuch an utility, it will readily be owned, that fuch a virtue would never have been thought of t.

An infidelity of this nature is much more pernicious in women than in men. Hence the laws of chastity are much stricter over the one sex than over the other.

These rules have all a reference to generation; and. yet women past child-bearing are no more supposed to be exempted from them than thofe in the flower of their youth and beauty. General rules are often extended beyond the principle, whence they firft arife; and this in all matters of taste and fentiment. 'Tis a vulgar ftory at PARIS, that during the rage of the MISSISSIPPI, a hump-backed fellow went every day into the RUE DE QUINCEMPOIX, where the ftock-jobbers met in great crowds, and was well paid for allowing them to make ufe of his hump as a desk, in order to fign their con

The only folution, which PLATO gives to all the objections, that might be raised against the community of women, eftablished in his imaginary commonwealth, is, Καλλιςα γαρ δη τετο καὶ λέγεται καὶ λελέξεται, οτι το μεν ωφέλιμον καλον. Το δε βλαβερον αισχρον. Scite enim iftud & dicitur & dicetur, Id quod utile fit boneftum effe, quod autem inutile fit turpe effe. De Rep. lib. 5. p. 457. ex edit. Serr. And this maxim will admit of no doubt, where public utility is concerned; which is PLATO's meaning. And indeed to what other purpose do all the ideas of chastity and modesty serve? Nifi utile eft quod facimus, fruftra eft gloria, fays PHEDRUS. Καλιν των βλε Cegov dey, fays PLUTARCH de vitiofe pudore. Nihil corum quæ damnofa funt, pulchrum eft. The fame was the opinion of the Stoics. par Twixe; αγαθόν είναι ωφελειαν η εκ ετέραν ωφελείας, ωφελειν μεν λεγοντες την αρετήν και Thy Cπedila wat SEPT. EMP. lib. 3. cap. 2o.

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tracts