THE Americans live in a democratic state of society which has naturally
suggested to them certain laws and a certain political character. This
same state of society has, moreover, engendered among them a multitude
of feelings and opinions which were unknown among the elder aristocratic
communities of Europe: it has destroyed or modified all the relations which
before existed, and established others of a novel kind. The aspect of civil
society has been no less affected by these changes than that of the political
world. The former subject has been treated of in the work on the Democ-
racy of America, which I published five years ago; to examine the latter
is the object of the present book; but these two parts complete each other,
and form one and the same work.
I must at once warn the reader against an error, which would be ex-
tremely prejudicial to me. When he finds that I attribute so many differ-
ent consequences to the principle of equality, he may thence infer that I
consider that principle to be the sole cause of all that takes place in the
present age: but this would be to impute to me a very narrow view. A
multitude of opinions, feelings, and propensities are now in existence, which
owe their origin to circumstances unconnected with or even contrary to the
principle of equality. Thus if I were to select the United States as an ex-
ample, I could easily prove that the nature of the country, the origin of its in-
habitants, the religion of its founders, their acquired knowledge and their for-
mer habits, have exercised, and still exercise, independently of Democracy, a
vast influence upon the thoughts and feelings of that people. Different
causes, but no less distinct from the circumstance of the equality of con
ditions, might be traced in Europe, and would explain a great portion of
the occurrences taking place among us.
I acknowledge the existence of all these different causes, and their power,
but my subject does not lead me to treat of them. I have not undertaken
to unfold the reason of all our inclinations and all our notions: my only
object is to show in what respects the principle of equality has modified
both the former and the latter.
Some readers may perhaps be astonished that, firmly persuaded as I am
hat the democratic revolution which we are witnessing is an irresistible
fact against which it would be neither desirable nor wise to struggle, I
should often have had occasion in this book to address language of such
severity to those democratic communities which this revolution has brought
into being. My answer is simply, that it is because I am not an adversary
of Democracy, that I have sought to speak of Democracy in all sincerity.
Men will not accept truth at the hands of their enemies, and truth is
seldom offered to them by their friends: for this reason I have spoken it.
I was persuaded that many would take upon themselves to announce the
new blessings which the principle of equality promises to mankind, but that
few would dare to point out from afar the dangers with which it threatens
them. To those perils therefore I have turned my chief attention, and be
lieving that I had discovered them clearly, I have not had the cowardice to
leave them untold.
I trust that my readers will find in this Second Part that impartiality
which seems to have been remarked in the former volume. Placed as I
am in the midst of the conflicting opinions between which we are divided,
I have endeavoured to suppress within me for a time the favourable sym-
pathies or the adverse emotions with which each of them inspires me. If
those who read this book can find a single sentence intended to flatter any
of the great parties which have agitated my country, or any of those petty
factions which now harass and weaken it, let such readers raise their voices
to accuse me.
The subject 1 have sought to embrace is immense, for it includes the
greater part of the feelings and opinions to which the new state of society
has given birth. Such a subject is doubtless above my strength, and in
treating it I have not succeeded in satisfying myself. But, if I have not
been able to reach the goal which I had in view, my readers will at least
do me the justice to acknowledge that I have conceived and followed up
my undertaking in a spirit not unworthy of success.
PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION.
THE following work of M. DE TOCQUEVILLE has attracted great
attention throughout Europe, where it is universally regarded as
a sound, philosophical, impartial, and remarkably clear and dis-
tinct view of our political institutions, and of our manners, opin-
ions, and habits, as influencing or influenced by those institutions.
Writers, reviewers, and statesmen of all parties, have united in
the highest commendations of its ability and integrity. The peo-
ple, described by a work of such a character, should not be the
only one in Christendom unacquainted with its contents. At least,
so thought many of our most distinguished men, who have urged
the publishers of this edition to reprint the work, and present it to
the American public. They have done so in the hope of promo-
ting among their countrymen a more thorough knowledge of their
frames of government, and a more just appreciation of the great
principles on which they are founded.
But it seemed to them that a reprint in America of the views
of an author so well entitled to regard and confidence, without
any correction of the few errors or mistakes that might be found,
would be in effect to give authenticity to the whole work, and
that foreign readers, especially, would consider silence, under
such circumstances, as strong evidence of the accuracy of its
statements. The preface to the English edition, too, was not
adapted to this country, having been written, as it would seem,
in reference to the political questions which agitate Great Britain.
The publishers, therefore, applied to the writer of this, to furnish
them with a short preface, and such notes upon the text as might
appear necessary to correct any erroneous impressions. Having
had the honour of a personal acquaintance with M. DE TOCQUE-
VILLE while he was in this country; having discussed with him
many of the topics treated of in this book; having entered deeply
into the feelings and sentiments which guided and impelled him
in his task, and having formed a high admiration of his character
and of this production, the writer felt under some obligation to
aid in procuring for one whom he ventures to call his friend, a
hearing from those who were the subjects of his observations.
These circumstances furnish to his own mind an apology for
undertaking what no one seemed willing to attempt, notwith-
standing his want of practice in literary composition, and not-
withstanding the impediments of professional avocations, con-
stantly recurring, and interrupting that strict and continued
examination of the work, which became necessary, as well to
detect any errors of the author, as any misunderstanding or mis-
representation of his meaning by his translator. If the same
circumstances will atone in the least for the imperfections of
what the editor has contributed to this edition, and will serve to
mitigate the severity of judgement upon those contributions, it is
all he can hope or ask.
The NOTES, which will be found at the end of the volume, are
confined, with very few exceptions, to the correction of what
appeared to be misapprehensions of the author in regard to some
matters of fact, or some principles of law, and to explaining his
meaning where the translator had misconceived it. For the latter
purpose the original was consulted; and it affords great pleasure
to bear witness to the general fidelity with which Mr. REEVE has
transferred the author's ideas from French into English. He has
not been a literal translator, and this has been the cause of the
very few errors which have been discovered: but he has been
more and better: he has caught the spirit of M. DE TOCQUEVILLE,
has understood the sentiment he meant to express, and has
clothed it in the language which M. DE TOCQUEVILLE would have
himself used, had he possessed equal facility in writing the English language.
There should have been references in the body of the work to the notes: but circumstances, beyond control, prevented. They are so few, however, that no great inconvenience will result from reading them detached from the subjects to which they relate.
Being confined to the objects before mentioned, the reader will not find any comments on the theoretical views of our author. He has discussed many subjects on which very different opinions are entertained in the United States; but with an ability, a candour, and an evident devotion to the cause of truth, which will commend his views to those who most radically dissent from them. Indeed, readers of the most discordant opinions will find that he frequently agrees with both sides, and as frequently differs from them. As an instance, his remarks on slavery will not be found to coincide throughout with the opinions either of abolitionists or of slaveholders: but they will be found to present a masterly view of a most perplexing and interesting subject, which seems to cover the whole ground, and to lead to the melancholy conclusion of the utter impotency of human effort to eradicate this acknowledged evil. But on this, and on the various topics of the deepest interest which are discussed in this work, it was thought that the American readers would be fully competent to form their own opinions, and to detect any errors of the author, if such there are, without any attempt by the present editor to enlighten them. At all events, it is to be hoped that the citizens of the United States will patiently read, and candidly consider, the views of this accomplished foreigner, however hostile they may be to their own preconceived opinions or prejudices. He says: "There are certain truths which Americans can only learn from strangers, or from experience." Let us, then, at least listen to one who admires us and our institutions, and whose complaints, when he makes any, are, that we have not perfected our own glorious plans, and that there are some things yet to be amended. We shall thus furnish a practical proof, that public opinion in this
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