This duty was so discharged as to extort the admiration of the President and his cabinet, without offending or disaffecting any portion of the Whigs. The very able Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Spencer, remarked to the writer that the country and the government were alike indebted to Mr. Evans,-that the government could not have gone on without the assistance of his ability and liberality during the whole ses sion. A new Congress assembled in December, 1843. The disagreement between the Whigs and Mr. Tyler had necessarily resulted in giving to the Democrats a large majority in the House of Representatives. The Whigs retained the preponderance in the Senate; but their numbers were considerably diminished. A concerted and determined attack was early projected in both Houses upon the system of imposts perfected in 1812, and which had been in operation but little more than a year. In the Senate the assault was led by Mr. McDuffie, one of the most zealous, able, and adroit opponents of the protective system in the country. The discussion lasted many days, involving the question of Free Trade versus Protection, in all its relations; and enlisted the powers of the principal orators on both sides in the Senate. It was the great debate of the session, and never has the subject been more thoroughly and ably illustrated. The chief burden of the debate on the Whig side was borne by Mr. Evans. He delivered two set speeches; the first was pronounced by Hunt's Magazine to be "one of the best digested and ablest arguments in favor of Protection delivered in Congress since the revival of the tariff policy." To this speech Mr. McDuffie replied, and Mr. Evans rejoined in a masterly ef. fort. For statistical research, elaboration of argument, variety and felicity of illustration, and true eloquence, this speech has been rarely excelled. It is a triumphant vindication of the wisdom of the protective policy. Though chiefly devoted to the dry details of figures and calculations, he was listened to with profound attention; and he imparted to every sentence an interest which is rarely produced except upon exciting or popular subjects. We are strongly tempted to extract several portions of this speech, but admonished by our circumscribed limits, we must content ourselves with a few sentences at the close. "Mr. President, the honorable Senator, in his estimate of the advantages to be gained by the South from a separate confederacy, makes no account whatever of national strength and national renown. He forgets that ordeal of fire through which we passed in the establishment of our independence, and through which we could never have gone if we had not been united. The glorious past he leaves out of view altogether, while his ardent imagination revels in the brighter visions of the future. Let the separation of which he speaks take place, and that day, on whose annual re turn ten thousand times ten thousand ration of our union. I am sure I should do and war which such an event must produce. The adventurous youth who undertook but for a single day to guide the chariot of the sun, paid for his temerity with the forfeit of his life. Happy will it be for him who, impelled by a mad ambition, shall kindle up our system in universal conflagration, to escape with so light a penalty. He will live, live in the reproaches and execrations of mankind in all time. He will live in history-not on the page where are inscribed the names of the benefactors of our race; not with the GOOD, the WISE, the GREAT, but with the enemies of the liberties and happiness of mankind, with the oppressors of their race, with the scourges whoin God has permitted to desolate nations, and to quench human happiness in tears and blood. "Sir, we are one. We cannot be divided. We have a common country, a common history, common distinction, renown, pre-eminence. They all belong to one, and one only. We have common and mutual interests which bind us together, and which cannot be severed. Bands stronger than iron or steel hold us in indissoluble connection. "One sacred oath has tied Our loves; one destiny our life shall guide, Nor wild, nor deep, our common way divide.'" In the protracted contest which terminated in the overthrow of the tariff system of 1842, and the substitution of the defective and incongruous bill of imposts prepared by the head of the Treasury Department and his incompetent subordinates, Mr. Evans led the debate on the Whig side of the Senate. He concluded his last speech on the tariff policy in the following terms: "I have now discharged my duty. This is, undoubtedly, the last occasion which I shall ever have to address the Senate of the United States upon this subject. The period of my service in the public councils is drawing to its close. If my inclinations or my interests had alone been considered, it would have terminated before this time. I have had occasion frequently-quite too frequently-to address the Senate upon this subject. I bore some humble part in the enactment of the law of 1842, which is now to be overthrown. I exerted myself then, with what ability I could, against long, perseverring, able opposition-and I have done so repeatedly since-in vindicating and upholding the policy of that act. I have done so now. But in all this, sir, I have had no personal ends to subserve-no selfish objects to gratify. I have no personal interests, whatever, in maintaining the system which has prevailed, and for which I have labored. No one on earth, in any way connected with me, has any interest in its preservation, beyond what every good citizen of the country has, in seeing his fellow-men prosperous and happy, and his country rising in wealth and strength. To accomplish this, I have labored as I have labored. I have gained nothing-I expect nothing, personally. Well may it be said 'Sic vos non vobis, fertis aratra boves;' for we have worked like oxen in the harness-not for ourselves, but for the interests of our country. If others have reaped and gathered in golden harvests from the fields which we have ploughed and tilled, I have no repinings-no envyings-no re. grets-though I have gathered none myself. But I have this consolation, sir, this pride, this exultation, that I have labored in a just and honorable spirit of patriotism, for the good of my country. I see it, and I rejoice to see it, rising in strength, in wealth, in power. And it is to me-however feebly I have discharged any duties connected with it-it is to me, and it ever will be, a source of proud satisfaction that I have been, in a very humble degree, a fellow-laborer with others, in building up, and advancing, and upholding the interests, and happiness, and honor of this great people." In publishing this speech the intelligent and discriminating editors of the Boston Atlas remarked, "There is probably no man living who is better acquainted with the financial affairs of the country than Mr. Evans; and this speech has been commended as one of the very best ever made in the Congress of the United States on the subject of revenue." During the last session of Congress, the long illness of Mr. Lewis, Chairman of the Finance Committee, imposed upon Mr. Evans the chief part of the duties of that committee; and he discharged them in such a manner as to command the universal admiration of the Senate. His senatorial term closed with that session; and we can safely say that there was a general feeling of regret in that body at his retirement. Although more than one half of his life has been spent in the public service, Mr. Evans has devoted much attention to the subject of education and literature, not only in his native State, but in other parts of the country. He is a trustee of each of the colleges of Bowdoin and Waterville, in Maine, and held the office of Regent of the Smithsonian Institute, A GRACEFUL young elm, with a maidenly form, And year after year its pavilion it rears Still grows with my growth and endures with my strength, It whispers me dreams in the faint summer days, And sprinkles my table with gold-dropping rays; It sings me bland music through all the hush'd night, Thou art armed to the teeth, and hast many a plume-- Though they shriek in the tempest and sing in the breeze, They live and they die where they spring into birth; The stories of Dryads are only a dream, And trees are no more than they outwardly seem. One night the wind blew with a murmuring plaint, Like the wandering ghost of a heaven-banished saint; The moon, overspread with a white misty veil, Ye Gods! how she struggled and swayed, when the wind With the strong wind she wrestled, then flew to my side— Away and away through the billowy air— But buoyed by the hand of my glorying Elm, Whose wishes were wings that no storm could o'erwhelm. We paused in mid air, and “ Look downward!" she cried, "O'er a battle-ground, now, like the eagles, we ride." I gazed and I quailed at the dizzying height, I gazed at the Shape, and it seemed both to be : I saw all his gestures, but heard not his words, A veteran oak and a tall gallant pine, Who spoke of the Danube, the Elbe, and the Rhine; In red autumn dresses, emblazoned with gold. On cities and palaces fearlessly fall, Crush the homesteads of mortals by hearthstone and hall! Oh, rich is the blood that shall deluge the earth, And sweeten the soil that has nursed us to birth!" He ceased. Like the roar of the triumphing sea, As she clung to my arm, and extended her hand I looked, and the daylight was brightening the scene, |