feafonable Stiffness, gave Occafion to his Enemies to represent him as not well inclined to the Prerogative, or too much addicted to a Popular Intereft, and therefore not fit to be employed in Matters of Government.

On the other Hand, as Bishop Laud was a Man fo much fuperior in Learning that they are not to be named together, fo much greater was his Ambition and natural Parts, for he nicely understood the Art of pleafing a Court; and finding no furer Way to raise himself to the firft Dignities of the Church, than by acting a quite contrary Part to that of Bishop Abbot, he gave into every Thing that feemed to favour the Prerogative of the Crown, or enforce an Ab. folute Obedience upon the Subject.

The King's urgent Neceffities, and the Backwardness to fupply the m, had forced him upon unwarrantable Methods of railing Money; and the Readiness the Roman Catholicks expreffed to affift him in his Wants, did beget in him at first a Tenderness towards, and afterwards a Trust and Confidence in them; which was unhappily mistaken by his other Subjects, as if he inclined to their Religion.

Among other Means of railing Money, that of Loan was fallen upon; which met with great Difficulties,and was generally taken to be illegal. One Sibthorp, an obfcure Parfon,in a Sermon preached at Northampton Affizes, was for making his Court by afferting not only the Lawfulness of this Way of Impofing Money by Loan, but that it was the indifpenfible Duty of the Subject to comply with it. At the fame Time Dr. Manwaring preached two Sermons before the King at Whiteball, in which he advanced thefe Doctrines, I. That the King is not bound to obferve the Laws of the Realm, concerning the Subjects Rights and Liberties; but that his Royal Word and Command, in Impofing Laws and Taxes without Confent of Parliament, does oblige the Subjects • Conscience upon Pain of Eternal Damnation. II. That those who refused to pay this Loan did offend against the Law of God, and became guilty of Impiety, Difloyalty and Rebellion, and that the Authority of Parliament is not neceffary for raifing of Aids and Subfidies.

Abbot indeed was averfe to thefe Doctrines; and for an Advantage against him, Sibthorp's Sermon, dedicated to the King, was fent him by his Majefty's Order to licenfe, which he refufed, and fent back his Reafons; which Laud answered, and licenfed both Sibthorp's and Manwaring's Sermons. Upon this, Abbot was confined and fufpended from his Function; the Administration of which was committed to Laud, and fome others of his Recommendation. Some Time after Abbot dying in Difgrace, Laud fucceeded him in the See of Centerbury, while in the mean Time Things went on from bad to worfe, and haftened to a Crisis.

The two firft Parliaments KingCharles had called, preffing him hard for Redress of Grievances, and pushing on the Refentments begun in the preceding Reign; he was prevailed with not only to diffolve them, but to leave the Nation without Parliaments for twelve Years together; and this contrary to the Advice of his best Friends and Counsellors, who forefaw the il! Confequences that might follow if an unluckly Juncture of Affairs fhould neceffitate him to call one: Which foon fell out in the worst Manner that could be, viz.

VOL. III.

X X

The

The Scots had long been four'd by the Incroachments they complain'd Men' made upon their Rights and Liberties, particularly as to the Matter of ChurchGovernment. Laud's Zeal for a Liturgical Uniformity between the two Nations proved the fatal Torch that inflamed both Kingdoms: Being the fooner kindled, because there had been fo much Fuel laid up for many Years, that the leaft Spark was fufficient to fire the Pile.

Anno 1637, the Scots had not only in a tumultuous Manner refufed the Liturgy compofed and fent them by Laud, but affumed afterwards to themselves the Liberty and Power of holding a General Affembly of their Church, and therein to abolish Epifcopacy, and commit feveral other Things judged to be inconfiftent with the Duty of Subjects: Upon which they were declared Rebels; and the King thought his Honour concerned in reducing them to Obedience by

the Sword.

-Inftead of venturing to call a Parliament, to enable him to profecute this Defign, he was neceffitated to level Money another Way. Great Sums were raised by Loan and Benevolence, to which the Roman Catholicks and the Laudean. Faction contributed moft. Thus fupplied, the King marched to the North with a gallant Army; and the Scots came as far as the Borders in a Pofture of Defence,and to prevent the Extremity of what might happen, they prefented his Majefty with their humble Supplication and Remonftrance, fetting forth their inviolable Fide lity to the Crown; and that they defired nothing more, but the peaceable Enjoyment of their Religion and Liberties; and that all Things might be fettled by a free Parliament, and general Affembly." At length, through the Interceffion of the moderate Party about the King, and fome of the highest Rank in both Kingdoms, his Majefty was pleafed to comply with the Defires of the Scots, by folemn Pacification, fign'd in View of both Armies near Berwick, in June 1638.

This Treaty was but fhort-lived, and ill-obferved on either Side. The fame Men that counfel'd the King to the first, pufh'd him on to a fecond War against the Scots. Parliaments had now been for fome Years difcontinued, and there appear'd no great Inclination in the King to call any more, if this Emergency had not fallen out: But his preffing Neceffities, and this new War, obliged him once more to try the Affections of his People in a Parliamentary Way.

Accordingly a Parliament met in April 1640, at the Opening of which the King acquainted them with the Affronts he had received from the Scots, and demanded a Supply to reduce them to their Duty by Force of Arms. Both Houfes fhew'd a Willingness to relieve the King's Wants, and offer'd him a confiderable Supply; but with this Condition, That their Grievances might be first redress'd, which were mightily increased fince the laft Diffolution: Not only. fo, but the Scots had Friends enough in the Parliament to hinder any great Mat ter that should be concealed against them; and the Majority both of Lords and Commons were but little inclined to a War of Laud's Kindling.

The King, thus difappointed, diffolved this Parliament within the Month of their fitting; and made what Shifts he could to raife a new Army against the Scots: And they being refolved not to be behind in their Preparations, enter'd Eng

land:

t

fand with a numerous Army, compofed for the moft Part of Veteran Officers and Troops, that had ferved in Germany, under Gustavus Adolphus, and taking Berwick and Newcastle pushed their Way as far as Durham.

The King came in Perfon to York, and found himself inviron'd with perplexing Difficulties on all Hands; the Nobility and Gentry that attended him exprefs'd on all Occafions their Dillike of the Caufe, and the War they were engaged in The Scots ftood firm to their Ground, being flufh'd with Succefs; and the King was follow'd from the South with Petitions from London, several Counties, and a confiderable Number of Lords, defiring him to call a new Parliament, as the only effectual Means to quiet the Minds of the People, and compofe the prefent War without Bloodfhed.

The King, to extricate himself out of this Labyrinth, fummon'd the Great Council of Peers to meet at York, and concert proper Measures for this Juncture': They unanimously advifed him to enter into a Treaty with the Scots at Rippon, and fummons a Parliament to meet at Westminster, with both which Advices the King complied, and immediately iffued out Writs for the Meeting of a Parliament in November 1640, and adjourn'd the Scots Treaty to London.

No Age ever produced greater Men than the Members of this Parliament: They had Abilities and Inclinations fufficient to have render'd both the King and Nation happy, if England had not been through a Chain of concurring Accidents ripen'd for Destruction. At their firft Meeting a Scene of Grievances, under which the Nation had long groan'd, was laid open, and all Topicks made use of to display them in the livelieft Colours. The many Cruelties and illegal Practices of the Star-Chamber, and High Commiffion Court, that had alienated People's Minds from the Hierarchy, were now infifted on to throw down those two Arbitrary Tribunals, and with them, in fome Time after, the Bishops out of the House of Peers, and Epifcopacy itself out of the Church. It was not a few of either House, but indeed all the great Patriots, that concurr'd at first to make Inquiry into the Grievances of this Reign: Sir Edward Hide, afterwards Earl of Clarendon, the Lord Digby the Lord Falkland; the Lord Capel; Mr. Grimstone, who was chosen afterwards Speaker of the House of Commons that brought in King Charles II, and was Master of the Rolls; Mr. Holles, fince Lord Holles 3 all which fuffer'd afterwards on the King's Side; and in general, most of those that took the King's Part in the fucceeding War were the Men that appear'd with the greatest Zeal for the Redrefs of Grievances, and made the sharpeft Speeches upon thefe Subjects. The Intentions of the Gentlemen were certainly noble and just, and tended to the equal Advantage of King and People: But the Fate of England urged on its own Ruin Step by Step, till an open Rupture between the King and Parliament made the Gap too wide ever to be closed again. Sir Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford, and Archbishop Laud, had too great a Share in the Miniftry, to escape being cenfured; and they were the first that felt the Effects of a Popular Hatred. They, with Duke Hamilton, first advised the King to call this Parliament; and all three fell by it, tho' not at the fame Time. As a farther Specimen of Laud's turbulent and inconfiderate Rafhnefs in facrificing a whole Nation to his boundlefs Ambition, it will not be amifs to infert his Advice to the King, when in Conference with the Earl of Strafford and the Lord Cottington. X x 2

• *Mr. Secretary Vane's Notes about the Earl of Strafford's Advice to King Charles, to bring over an Army from Ireland, to fubdue England,

The Title of them was,

No Danger of War with Scotland,
If Offenfive, not Defenfrue.

King. How can we undertake offenfive War, if we have no more Money? Strafford. Borrow of the City a Hundred Thousand Pounds : Go on vigorously to levy Ship-Money. Your Majefty having tried the Affection of your People, you are abfolved and loofe from all Manner of Government, and to do what Power will admit. Your Majefty having tried all Ways, and being refused, shall be acquitted before God and Man. And you have an Army in Ireland that you may employ to reduce this Kingdom to Obedience; for I am confident the Scots cannot hold out five Months.

Laud. You have tried all Ways, and have always been denied: It is now lawful to take it by Force.

Cottington Levies abroad there may be made for Defence of the Kingdom. The lower House are weary of the King and Church. All Ways fhall be just to raise Money by, in this inevitable Neceffity, and are to be used, being lawful. Laud. For an Offenfive, not a Defensive War.

Strafford. The Town is full of Lords. Put the Commiffion of Array on Foot; and if any of them ftir, we will make them fmart.

To fuch Counsellors this unhappy Prince owed all his Misfortunes! I fhall conclude this Head with obferving, that as Archbishop Laud was nothing inferior to the Earl of Strafford in Parts, and much his fuperior in Learning; fo it is as hard to determine which of the two made a nobler Defence at their Trial. Laud's Fate has been the fame with that of most great Men, to be reprefented to Pofterity in Extremes; for we have nothing writ of him, but what is either Panegy ric or Satire, rather than Hiftory.

That he was brought to his Trial, and found guilty, during the Heat of a Civil War, and when all Things were tending to Confufion, was nothing strange: Nor was Serjeant Wild's Introduction at the Opening of his Charge any Thing but what might have been expected at fuch a Time, when he told the Lords, That it might be faid of the Great Caufe of the Archbishop of Canterbury, as it was in a like Cafe, Repertum eft hodierno die facinus, quod nec Poeta fingere, nec Hiftrio fo nare, nec minus imitari potuerit; but it was indeed ftrange, and none of the leaft of this great Man's Misfortunes, that three Years before he should be declared by the House of Commons a Traytor nemine contradicente, at a Time when there was not the leaft Mifunderstanding between the King and Parliament, being within the first Month after they fat down and which was yet stranger, that no body was more fevere upon him, than some of those that afterwards took the King's Part against the Parliament, and were at last the chief Instruments of his

Whitlock's Memorials, Vol. II. p.41.

Son's

Son's Reftauration. Whoever reads Sir Harbottle Grimstone's Speech upon voting his Impeachment, or Pym's upon carrying it up to the Lords, will be apt to think," that scarce any Age has produced a Man whofe Actions and Conduct have been more obnoxious to Obloquy, or given greater Occafion for it.

There was one Thread that run through his whole Accufation, and upon which most of the Articles of his Impeachment turn'd; and that was, his Inclination to Popery, and Defign to introduce that Religion: Of which his immortal Book against Fisher the Jefuit fufficiently acquits him. And yet not Proteftants only, but even Roman Catholicks themselves were led into this Miftake; otherwise they would not have dared to offer one in his Poft a Cardinal's Cap, as he confeffes they did twice. The introducing a great many pompous Ceremonies into the Church, the licensing fome Books that spoke favourably of the Church of Rome, and refufing to licenfe fome others wrote against it, were the principal Caufes of his being thus mifreprefented; And indeed his Behaviour in these Matters, as likewife in the Star-Chamber and High Commission Court, can hardly be accounted for; and' particularly his Theatrical Manner of confecrating Katherine Creed Church. I fhall clofe all,agreeing with the + Hiftorian, that notwithstanding all these Faults, and in Spite of Malice, He was a Man of great Parts, and very exemplary Virtues, allay'd and difcredited by ⚫ fome unpopular natural Infirmities; the greateft of which was (befides a hafty, fharp Way of expreffing himself) that he believed Innocence of Heart ⚫ and Integrity of Manners, was a Guard ftrong enough to fecure any Man in his Voyage through this World, in what Company foever he travel'd, and thro what Ways foever he was to pass: And fure never any Man was better fupplied with that Provifion. He was always maligned and perfecuted by those 'who were of the Calvinian Faction, and who, according to their usual Maxim* and Practice, call every Man they do not love Papift; and, under this senseless Appellation, they created many Troubles and Vexations. He was certainly at Heart paffionately concern'd for the Church: He had ufually about him an • uncourtly Quickness, if not Sharpnefs, and did not fufficiently value what Men faid or thought of him; by which Means a more than ordinary Prejudice and Uncharitableness was always contracted against him'

6

Thus, Sif, have I laid before you three confiderable Inftances of the Clergy's being the original Caufe of the Disturbances in this Nation, and I hope I fhall efcape free from the Imputation of Partiality, fince I have been equally just to their Virtues and their Vices.

Without any Reflection, let any Man but foberly confider the Behaviour of Thomas a Becket to King Henry, and though there was Faults on both Sides, yet I am certain Becket's unparallel'd Infolence will meet with no one's Approbation.

And as to Archbishop Laud, I dare appeal to the most ftrenuous of his Defenders, that I have done him ftrict Juftice. I must own, that I think we may properly compare the Ufe of the Clergy to the Elements of Fire and Water, viz. That they are good Servants, but bad Mafters; and the Precedents of these two Gentlemen are not very tempting for Futurity to proceed upon, fince both of them facrificed their Lives to the Caprice of their Ambition.

* Vide Bishop Laud's Diary. † Clarendon's Hift. vol. I. p. 90, &c.