Either this Author is very stupid, or he prefumes his Church of England Reader to be fo. If the latter can without Refentment bear to have the Cap fo impudently put upon his Head, be deferves to wear it; if he can't, it shall be taken from bis, and put upon the Author's, which it will fit better.

I could quietly put up with the Infolence and Affront to the Church of England, if no other Malice, or the Defign of Mischief were discoverable at the Bottom of it. But as it apparently tends to leffen the Reputation our Church has acquir'd among her Neighbours for her fignal Fidelity to her Princes, fo it is manifeftly rais'd and levell'd to batter the pious Refolution which her Majesty bas graciously declared herself to have taken in Favour of our Church.

Even this Effort too might be flighted, did not the Spirit of the Party glare unmafk'd quite thro' it; I mean Calumny and Difingenuity. To wave a particular Difcuffion of the remoter Inftances of the Church of England's Difloyalty, which he pretends to fetch from Hiftory, tho' he cites none, and to spare ourselves the Trouble of raking into Mifreprefentations, foreign to, and too tedious for this Place, and to which, perhaps, want of Books, or want of understanding 'em, may be pleaded in mitigation of Damages; it may fuffice to obferve his Candour and Juftice to the Church of England in the fingle Point of the late Revolution. Thofe of it, that did concur with others in promoting that Revolution, are revil'd and villify'd, as Men of no Faith or Principles, and therefore not fit to be trusted, countenanc'd or protected; and thofe that did not, as Men of pernicious Principles, inconfiftent with, and deftructive of the Civil Rights and Liberties of the People, and therefore fit only to be hang'd or drowned out of the Way. There's the Church of England provided for all at once, by an eafy Expedient, and the Author has prepared a fufficient Juftification of it. Hang fome of the Rogues for adhering to King James, and kick the reft out of Doors as Rebels for not adhering to him. This Author, by his Principles and Justice, Should be a New-England Author, where the godly Brethren are famous for commuting, and other quaint Devices, to get rid of unfanctified People.

But fure this Author does think in his Confcience, (if he has any) that either they did well who abandon'd the Interests of King James, or they who stood by them. Then why are they equally befpatter'd and render'd cdious? Why, but because they profess themselves of the Church of England, and well or ill-doing is equal to him; 'tis all Abomination, if the Doer be a Church of England-man? And why should deferting the Interest of an unhappy Prince be imputed by him to the Sons of the Church as a Crime, which At be not only justifies in the Diffenters, but extols as highly meritorious; because, (as this Author infinuate) the Church-man offends against the Light of his Confcience, fins against Principle, and ftands Self-convicted and condemn'd; which t'other (as he pretends) does

not.

But bere bis Conclufions out-ftrip bis Arguments, and his Affertions go a great Way farther than his Proofs.. There are two Things with which be very boldly charges the Church of England, and wherein confifts the Force and Arivity of all that Venom which he fpits at her, which it will be very hard for him to make out. VOL. III.

D

First,

First, That Paffive Obedience was ever a Principle of the Church of England.

Secondly, That, if it was ever a Principle, the Church has fince renounc'd it, laid it afide, or broke through it.

But fo unlikely an Adverfary is this Gentleman, to prove the Church false to ber Principles, that he does not feem to know what it is that conftitutes any Doctrine à Principle of the Church, nor bow to distinguish between the Tenets and Opinions of private Doctors, and the Principles of the Church. To entitle any Church, religious Congregation, or Society, to any Doctrine, as a Principle, it ought to have been once, at least, enjoined to be received as necessary Matter of Faith, by fuch Perfon or Perfons, as by the Confent of the collective Body of the Church, are vefted with an Authority declarative of what is necessary to be believed.

It is not to our present Purpose to enquire with whom the Church of England bas lodg'd that Power; it is fufficient to know, that all that he has enjoin'd as neceffary to be believed, is contain'd in her nine and thirty Articles, and in ber Canons; in which I dare venture to affirm, that there is nothing to be found, which does, either in a literal, or even conftructive Senfe, enjoin the Belief of Paffive Obedience in fuch a Manner or Senfe as he has charged it upon ber; and therefore it is a malicious, and very ignorant Scandal, to charge her with falling from her Principles, even tho' she should have acted contrary to the Notion of Paffive Obedience, as by him laid down.

It is true, the Notion of Paffive Obedience has been frequently and vigorously inculcated into the Sons of the Church by divers of her Dottors; but then it was done without any other Power than that of Perfuafion, or other Authority than fuck Arguments as they were able to bring from Scripture, Reafon, and the Writings of the Fathers. It is not material to enquire whether their Doctrine was erroneous or not; because if it were, the Church is not answerable for it, and if it were true, it does no more thereby become a Principle of the Church, than that every equilateral Triangle is equal to two right ones, is a Principle of the Church. And yet I believe every individual Doctor of the Church, who has confidered the Propofition, does believe it to be most infallibly true. The Church does not interpofe its Authority for every useful Truth, but leaves her Sons at Liberty as to many great Points, concerning which they may differ, according to the feveral Convictions of their own Minds, and yet be equally ber Sons. Of thefe, the now unfashionable Point is one of which I shall anly add, that were it as confiftent with worldly Intereft and Security, as it is conformable to the Gospel Spirit of Christianity, I fee no Reafon to quarrel with it.

But fuppofing a Belief of Paffive Obedience bad been enjoined by the Church How does it appear, that the Church has revolted, or broken loose from the Obli gation of that Principle, allowing it (for Argument Sake only) to be a Principle of the Church? What did the Church do in Violation of it? Did the Church turn out King James? Did the Church, by any folemn Act or Declaration, renounce Paffive Obedience, or declare King James deprived of his Regal Crown

and

and Dignity? Without fome fuch Alts as thefe, by the Authority of the Church, or (to go fomewhat farther than we are in Juftice obliged) a general Defection of the Members of the Church from their Allegiance, and of none elfe, if any Thing was criminal in the Tranfactions of that Time, it is not to be charged upon the Church.

The great and only Inftance of the Church of England's pretended Difloyalty and Neglect of Principles, is the depofing (for fo this Author will have it to be) of King James. I ask who did that? While it was a Recommendation at Court, the Dijenters or Whigs (which are fynonimous Terms with him) laid fole Claim to it, as a meritorious Work, and were bountifully rewarded for it. Now the great Advantage is thought to be over, the Church is to be entitled to the Odium. But to eafe the Diffenters as much as I can, I fay it was the Prince of Orange's Army and the Convention that did it. The Army drove the King away, and the Convention declared his going away Abdication. I fhall not here undertake to determine, whether this was or was not according to Law or Gofpel; but we know who at that Time urg'd both against it. I fuppofe it may be doubted, whether the Church of England bad a Majority in either; and therefore what they did, ought not to be charged as the Act and Deed of the Church.

But this Gentleman fays they fought against the King in Ireland, and if they did not kill him, they intended it for their Bullets had no Condition of Exception. It was, indeed, a Fault in the Church of England Men (if any there were) not to limit the Commission of their Bullets to three Miles, left they should touch the Lord's Anointed. But how comes this to be the Fault of the Church? How does it appear, that a few Red-coats, Soldiers of Fortune (whofe Religion is ufually to be chofen) fome Dutch, fome Danes, fome Swifs, Jome French, fome Irish, fome Scots, were the legal Reprefentatives of the Church of England? Till be proves them to be fo, the Church is not obliged to answer for what they did.

But after all, this Gentleman feems to have no Manner of clear Notion of Paffive Obedience: It implies no more, than not refifting by Violence those whom God has fet over us, without involving curfelves in the Intricacies and Difficulties of doubtful, or difputed Titles: Who made us Judges over Ifrael? We fend our wife Men to represent and determine, and 'tis our Duty to submit.

It is hard to stop bere; the infufferable Infolence of the Parallel between the Ufage that King Charles I. met with from the Diffenters, and King James II. met with from the Church of England, is fcarce to be borne. The Provocation is very great, and the Field unbounded; but we have not Room to profecute the War bere; but if this Auther shall think fit to carry on the War, I promise to accept his Challenge.

In the mean Time this Author tells us, that he does not intend to widen Breaches, and means nothing but Reconciliation. We have met with Friendships indeed in Hiftory before, which have begun with Alfaffinations; but we never beard of their Reality or Duration. He that should fpit in my Face publickly, and pretend afterwards it was meer Kindness and Refpect, would have a hard Task to perfuade me. I shall not pretend to advise the Gentlemen of the Church

of England, who, I prefume, will be fufficiently aware of Men of this Writers Kidney, who, while they pretend to make Advances of Kindness and Reconciliation, labour to fink the Reputation of their Probity, Virtue, and UnderStanding.

T has been the hard Fortune of the People of England to be mifrepreI fented, for fome Years laft paft, both Abroad and at Home, and thereby to be render'd contemptible and odious to their Neighbours; as a People inconfiftent with themfelves, wavering in their Refolutions, fickle in their Alliances, unfriendly to their Neighbours; and to become jealous of one another, angry with their best Patriots, and fond of those who labour'd to fubvert their Conftitution, Church and Liberties, &c.

It may seem strange to those who have not fufficiently confider'd, or are not well acquainted with Matters of this Nature, that it fhould be poffible for a People to become contemptible to their Neighbours, while they gave fuch manifeft Proofs of their Strength, Courage and Wealth; or to be odious to those who fubfifted chiefly by their Succours and Affiftance.

Yet fuch has been the Artifice of fome defigning People, that our Allies have been made to believe, that tho' we had all thofe Qualities actually exiftent in us, yet we were a rude, indigefted Mafs, a Rabble of People that had no Soul or Form, but what the King, and a few of his Ministers, gave us; that, like Flints, we had no Fire but what was ftruck from us; and would exert none of our unactive, lazy Powers, but by their In fpiration.

This gave our Allies a very high Idea of the King, and thofe about him, that could move fuch a lumpifh, inanimate Body to fuch great and noble Actions; but it fill'd them, at the fame Time, with a Contempt of that People, who wanted Life and Soul to exert that Force that lay dormant in them, till it was rouz'd and directed by others. They took us to be like Guns, that might do a great deal of Good or Harm as we were ufed; but that all the Thanks was owing to the Engineers and Gunners that mounted, charg'd, and fir'd at us; and that after the Service was over, it was no Matter whether we fplit or rufted. This was manifeft from the little Regard that was fhewn the English Nation, during the whole Courfe of the late War, and after it; and was owing to the Artifices of fome People, who magnified their own Services and Affection to our Allies, and reprefented a Houfe of Commons, (the Reprefentatives of the collective Body of the People) as a weak Affembly, which they could either lead or drive as they pleafed. By thefe Means they gain'd fo far upon fome of our Neighbours, as to be able to prompt them to interpofe in Matters of the higheft Importance to us, and to prevail fometimes against the manifeft Intereft of this Kingdom.

To fupport this Credit Abroad, they found it neceffary to make fome Fi gure of it at Home, and to keep a Party, which, tho' confiderable for nothing

but

but their Capacity of Confcience, and Confidence, were thought proper Inftruments, by falfe Clamour, and forg'd Calumnies, to create Divifions, and foment Faction among the People; to maintain which Party, and to keep their Inventions warm, Millions, perhaps, of the publick Money have been unaccountably lavish'd, and one Mint has labour'd to encourage the other. By these Arts they fo far poifon'd a great Part of common People with Jealoufies and groundlefs Apprehenfions, as to render many of the Gentlemen in all Parts of England, who are moft confiderable for their Abilities, Integrity and Courage, as well as Quality and Eftate, fufpected and fear'd by them. No fooner did any of thefe fignalize himself in the House of Commons but his Honour was attack'd, and he was branded with Popery and France, how unjustly foever; fcandalous Stories, Libels, and malicious lying Accufations were fpread of him throughout England, without either Proof or Author, and his Reputation was wounded by unknown' Hands, that made their Markets at the Expence of his Fame.

C

It may be worth while to obferve whither thefe Practices tended. First, By reprefenting us a weak, irrefolute People in ourselves, that knew not how to manage our own Strength and Wealth, they gave our Neighbours and Allies Courage to prefume upon us, and to interpofe in our Affairs, and to reft themselves fecure, that having gained thofe few (whom they thought our Leaders) on their Side, they had nothing to do but to gain over the King to their Party, and the Bufinefs was done; the Affes would be tame, and might be driven to the Pound, or whither elfe they pleafed; and by poffeffing them, that we were fuch malevolent ill Neighbours, as were never to be brought to any hearty or fincere Intentions towards their Allies, they provok'd them to hate us; and having wrought them to a Belief, that to them only they were obliged for all the great Services they received from England, prepared them to back all their Measures, and fecond their Designs, whenever they fhould fignify to them their Schemes were ripe, and that the proper Season was come; which, had not Providence prevented, we might have seen ten Times more Foreign Soldiers in England than those we ftruggle fo hard to fend away, and as many fewer of our own at Home than we thought fafe to keep up.

But as this Defign was bipartite, it was as neceffary to be well with one Party at least at Home as Abroad. The Gentlemen all over England were found. unfit for their Purposes; their Principles were found, and their Stakes too great, to give up either our Church or Conftitution, and therefore a Party who had always laboured the Subverfion of both, were advanced and carrefs'd, as the only true ftanch Proteftants. But thefe being a Party alone too weak to effect what they aimed at, they took in a Sort of mungril Church-goers, whofe Conformity was not the Refult of Principle, but of a luke-warm Compliance with the Humour of the Times; who could as readily have embraced any other Church and Doctrines, in which they cou'd find their own private Accompt. These they dignified with the fpecious Title of Men of Moderation and Temper, tho' they, and the Party they were now united with, were

known: