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over and above the additional Nine-pences laid on the Barrels of Ale and Beer fince the Revolution; by this Scheme the ftrong Ale Countries will be brought to fome Level with the fmall Ale Countries, and the Fine-Ale Brewer with the Porter's Liquor Brewer: And indeed it's unaccountable, that a Barrel of Ale at feven Shilling, fold by the common Brewer, shall pay as much as a Barrel of Ale fold by the fame Brewer at fixteen Shillings, one Pound, or three Pound the Barrel; and that a Man, by drinking strong Ale, fhould get the better of the Publick by two Thirds in the Excife.

Now fince it is agreed, that these two Branches of the Cuftoms and Excife being fufficient to answer the Charge of the Civil Lift, Guards and Garrifons of both Kingdoms, and fince the Scots are willing to pay according to the Laws establishing the Customs and the Excifes of Beer and Ale, &c. according to the Letter and Equity of the Act of Tonnage and Poundage, and the Acts of Excife of the 12th of Charles II. and according to the Practice and Method of the Excise and Customs of England, what can be required more of them? Sure the additional Duties to the Act of Tonnage and Poundage, and the additional Cuftoms now in Force in England, and the additional Nine-pences upon the Barrel of Ale and Beer, and the new Duties upon Salt and Malt, Paper, Births and Burials &c. ought not to be expected to be paid by the Scots; for these new and additional Duties, Customs, and Excifes, are the Sores and Wounds of the last War, and are the proper Debts of England, which neither the Scots can or ought to pay; and this is more than what was agreed by the Commiffioners of the Union the firft Year of her Majefty's Reign, that both Kingdoms fhould pay their several Debts, and neither Kingdom be affected with the Debt of the other.

And in Times of War, that is, future Wars, entered into after the Expiration of this prefent War, the Scots will be able to pay a Poundage upon Land of one, two, or more Shillings, or additional Customs and Excifes, as well as most of the northern Counties in England. Land and Trade in Scotland will improve in Scotland under an Union with England, the one in Value and Rent, and the other in Extent and Bulk; and fo much as there is of Land in Scotland, and how much that Land is improveable, or how much the Trade of Scotland is increafable, fo much will there be added to the Stock of England.

I know it will be a ready Objection, that if the People of Scotland pay but according to this Act of Tonnage and Poundage, and the two Acts of Excife of Charles II. they will be thereby enabled to run away with the Trade of England, and underlive and underfell what Englishmen can do for : But to this ready Objection I have this ready Anfwer, That it is to be understood the Scots fhall pay no more than according to the fore-mentioned Acts of Customs and Excifes; that is, within the prefent District and Bounds of Scotland; but if the Scots import any Manner of Goods or Commodities into England, for which they have already paid the Cuftom, according to the fore-mentioned Acts of Tonnage and Poundage in Scotland, as by Certificate will appear, they fhall be liable to pay the additional Duties in any

Port

Port of England, where the faid Goods or Merchandizes are entered and landed. Thus the Balance of Trade will, after the Union, remain as before the Union, and what the Scots fave of their Cuftoms and Excifes, is always to be understood of their Home-Confumption within the prefent Diftrict of Scotland.

On the other Hand, the Scots will be ready to fuggeft they fhall be no Gainers under thefe low Customs and Excifes, fince they are in England liable to the high ones as well as Englishmen; but, on the other Hand, they are to confider, that they being under the low Cuftoms and Excifes at Home, it will be a mighty Benefit to them, for their living and manufacturing of every Thing among themselves: But above all, they are to confider, that upon the Day they are united with England, the Value of the Land in Scotland will rife Fifty per Cent. and in progrefs of Time will double, nay treble the present Rentall. The Price of Corn and Meal will rife proportionably; and the Poor and poor Labourer and Tradefman, upon the Increase of Trade in Scotland by the Union, will have the Money ready to pay for his Corn and Victuals, and other Neceffaries, ten Times faster than at the low Rate. This is a Demonstration to all Men, that have any Experience or Infight in Trade, and fuch Perfons as are but doubtful of this, let them ask thofe Perfons yet alive, that can remember the English Adminiftration in Scotland, from the Year 1654, to the Year 1660, they won't stick to tell them, that the Price of Meal rise then from Half a Mark Scots, to Half a Crown English; and upon the withdrawing of the English Adminiftration upon the Restoration of King Charles II. the Price of Meal fell to Half a Mark Scots again; and yet the poor Labourer had the Half Crown readier to pay under the English Adminiftration, than the Half Mark after the Return of King Charles II. The Reason was plain, under Cromwell, Richard, and the Rumps, was a Unity of Parliament, Trade and Cuftoms betwixt England and Scotland, and under the fame Unity and good Understanding betwixt the two Kingdoms, the fame Benefits will return to both Nations. Now I come to confider the laft Thing propos'd,

Which is, an Unity of Adminiftration in the Publick Revenue of both Kingdoms.

The Kingdoms being united under one Parliament, in a Communion of Trade and Taxes, it is of abfolute Neceffity they fhould be under one and the fame, Adminiftration in the publick Revenue. The Conftitution and Method of the Treafury, the Exchequer, the Customs and Excifes of England, are fo far fuperior to any Thing of thefe Kinds that are to be found in Scotland, that I dare fay the Scots will not contend for their Forms and Methods in these Matters, but drop them with Satisfaction. But at the fame Time they may expect with good Affurance to fee their Countrymen provided for with Places in these Offices, in Proportion to their Merit, and without any Diftinction or Reserve betwixt them and Englishmen : Thus the Treasury and Exchequer of England, together with the Offices of Customs and Excife of England, fhall ftand as they now are eftablished; but their R 2

Authority

Authority fhall be enlarg'd over all Scotland as well as England, and all Fraud and Abuses in the Revenue fhall be tried by the A&t of Tonnage and Poundage, and the two Acts of Excife of the 12th of Charles II. and other Acts and Claufes of Acts made fince, for preventing of Frauds and Abuses, and the better Management of the Revenue of the Crown, which are but very few, and lie within a fmall Compafs.

But then the Question will arife, before whom Thall the Trefpaffes in Scotland against the Act be tried; upon Action at Law at the Suit of the Queen, or the Subject? The English Judges cannot have them tried before them; their Circuits cannot hold Affizes in Scotland, and it would be very hard to fetch the Subject and their Actions from the remote Parts of Scotland to Newcaftle, and have them try'd there, and that but once a Year. On the other Hand, thefe Actions cannot be try'd before the Scots Judges; for the Revenues of Customs and Excife being within the Union, cannot be try'd or judg❜d by them, nor can they any Manner of Ways interpofe their Authority in thefe Cafes. To obviate this, I would propose, by the Act of the Union, to have a Court of Revenue erected in Scotland, to judge of all Actions brought at the Suit of the Queen and the Subject, upon Acts of Parliament and Laws relating to the Revenue of the Crown. This Court to confift of five Perfons, two of which to be the Surveyors-General of Customs and Excife in Scotland for the Time being, and three others to be named by the Queen, English and Scotch, as her Majefty fhall think fit, with Power to try, and finally judge and determine all Caufes and Actions brought before them, relating to the Revenue. But no Action fhall lie before them until two Months or 60 Days after Seizure made by the Queen's Officer; in which Interval the Subjects may have Time to apply themselves to the Commiffoners of Customs, in Perfon or by Proxy, to have Juftice done them to their Satisfaction; but after the Expiration of two Months or fixty Days, they may have recourfe to the Commiffioners of Revenue for a Trial before them.

The Acts and Law relating to the Publick Revenue are fo few, and fo plain and easy, that it is not requifite to have a long Study and Practice in the Municipal Laws of either Kingdom, to qualify any Gentleman to be a Judge in this Court, and the Court itfelf may be fo form'd, as to give all Difpatch poffible, with all Safety, to the Intereft of the Revenue, and the Rights and Liberties of the Subject.

Thus I am come to the End of my Effay, and how far I have fucceeded in it, I must leave that to the Publick, to whom I pray for the fame Temper of Mind in reading of it, with which I have compofed it, without Partiality to either Kingdom, but with a fincere, firm, and conftant Zeal for the Union of both.

A brief

A brief Account of the Tack: In a Letter to a Friend.

I

SIR,

HAVE receiv'd the Favour of your Letter, in which you tell me ftrange News indeed; for after all the Noife that has been fo long against the Tackers, infomuch that most of them thought their safest Way was to deny it in their several Countries, yet now they feem to take Heart again, and ,who, you fay, is lately come down, undertakes to justify all that Proceeding. The Arguments he makes ufe of, you tell me,

Mr. B

are these.

In the firft Place, he fays, The Practice of Occafional Conformity is fuch a fcandalous Hypocrify, as is no Way to be excus'd upon any Pretence whatsoever. That it is condemn'd even by the better Sort of Dienters themselves. That the employing Perfons of a different Religion from that establish'd by Law, has never been practis'd by any wife Government, and is now allow'd, even in Holland at this Day. That the Sacramental Teft was appointed by the Wisdom of the Legiflature, to preferve the Establish'd Church; which Church feems in as much Danger from the Diffenters now, as it was from Papifts then. That this Law being fo neceffary, and having been twice refus'd in the House of Lords, the only Way to have it pass'd, was to tack it to a Money- Bill. That it had been an ancient Practice to tack Bills, that were for the Good of the Subject, to MoneyBills; that while grievous Taxes were laid upon the People for the Support of the Crown, the Crown might in return pafs fuch Laws as were for the Benefit of the People. That the great Neceffity there was for the Money-Bills paffing, was rather an Argument for, than against this Proceeding: For what Danger could there be, that the Lords (who pretend to be such great Patriots) should rather lofe the neceffary Supplies, than pass an A&t fo requifite for Prefervation of the Church? That however, if they could fuppofe them fo unreasonable, the Matter was not yet so bad; for it was but only proroguing the Parliament for a few Days, and the Commons might have pass'd the Land-Tax again, without the Tack.

To confider thefe Arguments in their Order. I fhall very readily own, that a Man, who thinks it unlawful to receive the Sacrament according to the Manner of the Church of England, and yet does it to qualify him for an Employment, is no Way to be juftify'd: And I fhall grant further, that one who goes once to Church to qualify himfelf, and never goes afterwards, is to be condemn'd; whether his not going afterwards be upon a Scruple of Religion, or for his having no Religion at all. But neither of these are the Perfons against whom this Bill is levell'd; the Defign of the Bill being against fuch as do fometimes go to Church, and do at other Times refort to feparate Congregations.

Now

Now to judge how far this Practice may be lawful, we muft confider the Reasons the Diffenters pretend for their Separation from the Establish'd Church.

There are fome who pretend all Communion with the Church abfolutely unlawful.

There are fome who do not object to Communion with the Church in general, but to fome particular Parts of the Common-Prayer.

There are others, who do not pretend there is any Thing in the Establish'd Way of Worship abfolutely finful or unlawful; but they think their own Way more pure and decent, and more according to God's Word.

There are others who do not carry the Matter quite fo far as thefe; but having been bred up in a Way of Worfhip that has nothing unlawful in it, they think they ought not to leave their Friends entirely, unless there was fomewhat finful to make them do it.

As to the first Sort, they never communicate with the Church; fuch are the Quakers, and therefore are not concern'd in this Question.

As for the fecond Sort, an Objection to a particular Part of our Service cannot justify Men for not conforming to the Church in those Parts of our Service to which they have no particular Objection.

And as to the two laft Sorts, which are by much the most confiderable, and comprehend the greatest Part of the Independents and Presbyterians, I cannot fee how thofe Objections can juftify them for never going to our Church; tho' they may think themselves justify'd by them for going to their feparate Congregations also.

That this was the Cafe of feveral of the Diffenters, is very evident from their Practice. Dr. Bates, Mr. Baxter, and fome other of the most eminent Teachers among the Diffenters, did, after the Restoration, go constantly to the Parish-Churches, ftay'd all the Divine Service, receiv'd the Sacrament every Month, and did exhort and bring their Auditors to do the like; tho', at the same Time, they thought themselves oblig'd to keep up their separate Congregations too. And accordingly there are at this Day, in many Parts of England, feveral Congregations of Men, Women and Children, of fuch who neither by their Circumftances, Sexes or Age, can have the least Profpect of any Office, who go fometimes to the Establish'd Church, stay all the Divine Service, receive the Sacrament, and yet at other Times refort to feparate Congregations. And how this, which has been fo great a Step towards a conftant Conformity, and has prov'd fo in very many Families of Condition, becomes at prefent fo fcandalous and hypocritical a Practice, I cannot for my Life imagine.

Our Ancestors had a very different Opinion of this Matter: The Papifts did communicate with our Church, in the Beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign; and were fo far from being charg'd with Hypocrify, by any of our Church-Men for it, that all Encouragement that could be, was given to them; and a Declaration against Transubstantiation, which was in the Liturgy in Edward the Sixth's Time, was, to avoid Offence, left out, and not put

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