H. OF R. Loans, Treasury Notes, &c. A. DECEMBER, 1814. Schedule of Treasury notes which have already fallen due, and remain unpaid, this 2d day of December, 1814. Schedule of Treasury notes becoming due on or before the first of January, 1815. Appropriations-Militia Draughts. Branch of do., Wilmington Bank of Cape Fear Planters and Mechanics' B'k,Charlest'n H. OF R. 372 24 The balance of the demand will be payable, of course, 366 93 in the notes of the respective banks. 6,263 88 5,502 33 1,697 26 101,235 28 22,712 50 14,028 47 102 98 9,174 70 1,247 61 699 01 9,366 08 30,110 89 66,514 92 $2,372,287 13 TREASURY DEPARTMENT, Nov. 25, 1814. SIR: The sudden determination of most of the banks, in which the deposites of public money were made, to refuse payment of their notes and of drafts upon them, in specie, deprived the Government of the use of its gold and silver, without any act or assent on the part of the Treasury. The equally sudden determination of the banks of each State to refuse credit and circulation to the notes issued in other States, deprived the Government, without its participation, of the only means that were possessed for transferring its funds from the places in which they lay inactive to the places in which they were wanted, for the payment of the dividends on the funded debt, and the discharge of Treasury notes. It was the inevitable result of these transactions, that the bank credits of the Government should be soon exhausted in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, &c., where the principal loan offices for the payment of the public debt were established; and that the Government should be unable to satisfy its engagements in those cities, unless the public creditors would receive drafts on banks in other States, or would subscribe the amount of their claims to a public loan, or would accept a payment in Treasury notes. It was not unreasonable, indeed, to hope that the banks, whose conduct had produced the existing embarrassment, would cheerfully afford some alleviating accommodation to the Government; but every attempt to realize that hope has hitherto failed. Even, however, if the present application should also be unsuccessful, I think I may rely on the intelligence and candor of our fellow-citizens to vindicate the Government from any reproach, for the want of good faith, or of essential resources to maintain the public credit. The events which have occurred the Government could neither avert nor control. Under these circumstances, I have deemed it a duty to the public, and to myself, to request the attention of the banks, which have acted as agents of the Treasury in the receipt and distribution of public money, to the following propositions : 1. That the banks shall assist the Government with the means of discharging the Treasury notes, and paying the dividends of public debt during the present quarter, at the loan office of their respective States. A great portion, both of the Treasury notes and public debt, belongs to the banks respectively; and, so far, nothing more than a protracted credit will be required. 13th CoN. 3d SESS.-25 2. That, to secure and satisfy the advances thus to be made by the banks, respectively, the banks shall be admitted, on reasonable terms, to subscribe to the loan of three millions of dollars; or they shall receive Treasury notes, or they shall receive bank notes, or drafts upon banks in other States. If any bank should prefer accommodating the Treasury with a temporary loan, on a legal interest, this course may be pursued. I will thank you, sir, for an early answer to this proposition, and, if it should be accepted, I will immediately make the necessary arrangements to carry it into effect. I have the honor to be, &c. A. J. DALLAS. Mr. EPPES then explained the object of this bill, which was to carry into effect the Secretary's recommendations, except that part which relates to the transfer of funds from one quarter to another, which they had determined to postpone until the question relating to a National Bank should have been finally acted on, &c. The blanks in the bill were then filled, on motion of Mr. EPPES, with seven and a half millions and with three millions for the deficiency in the to supply the possible deficiency in the two loans, provision for the military, and one million for the deficiency in the provision for the naval service for the remainder of the present year. No debate took place on the principle of the bill. Some discussion and amendment took place on the section for punishing counterfeiters of the bills, in which Messrs. GASTON, WARD, and HopKINS of Kentucky, took part. The Committee at length rose and reported the bill; which, the amendments having been concurred in, was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading to-morrow. APPROPRIATIONS. The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on motion of Mr. EPPES, on the bill making further appropriations for the support of the Government during the remainder of the year. Mr. EPPES read a letter he had received from the Secretary of War, in relation to the deficiency of appropriations in that department; from which it appeared that though it was impossible to ascertain with precision at this time the number of militia in service during the past Summer, there was little doubt but their expenses would greatly exceed the appropriations made for those objects. On motion of Mr. EPPES, the blanks in this bill were then filled with three millions for the Military department, one million for the Naval department, and other sums for the expenses of Congress, &c. And the Committee rose and reported the bill; which, as amended, was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading. MILITIA DRAUGHTS. The remainder of this day's sitting was occupied in Committee of the Whole, on the consideration of the bill authorizing the President to call H. of R. Militia Draughts. into service 80,430 militia for the defence of the United States. DECEMBER, 1814. tions for the service of the year 1814, was read the third time and passed. The first of the amendments reported by the A message from the Senate informed the House select committee which came under consideration, that the Senate have passed a bill "for the relief was that authorizing the President, on failure of of John C. Hurlburt, of Chatham, in the State of the Governors of the several States to comply Connecticut," in which they ask the concurrence with the requisition, to call directly on the offi- of this House. The Senate have also passed the cers of the militia to cause the draught to be bill "to provide additional revenues for defraying made. This amendment was supported by Mr.the expenses of Government, and maintaining JOHNSON, of Kentucky, Mr. ROBERTSON, and the public credit, by laying duties on spirits disMr. TROUP, and opposed by Mr. PEARSON. It tilled within the United States, and by amending was agreed to, ayes 90. the act laying duties on licenses to distillers of spirituous liquors," with amendments; in which they ask the concurrence of this House. The next amendment goes to change the whole rate of apportionment, so as to fix it on the principle of free population, as ascertained by the last census, instead of the principle of representation, as if it were a direct tax, on which principle the apportionment was fixed in the bill by the Senate. This amendment was opposed, on opposite grounds, however, by Mr. Fisk, of New York, Mr. CALHOUN, Mr. INGERSOLL, and Mr. FORSYTH, and advocated by Messrs. GHOLSON, TROUP, and PEARSON. This amendment was also agreed to. [The quota of the District of Columbia is hereby reduced to 263 instead of 430.] Other amendments were proposed, and further discussion took place. The Committee rose, without having gone through the bill, and the House adjourned. THURSDAY, December 8. MILITIA DRAUGHTS. The House resumed the consideration of the bill from the Senate "to authorize the President of the United States to call upon the several States and Territories thereof for their respective quotas of 80,430 militia, for the defence of the frontiers of the United States." Mr. LEWIS, of Virginia, rose and said: He wished to offer an amendment to the bill, which he deemed of the first importance. There existed throughout this country a class of industrious, respectable, and highly meritorious citizens, whose religion forbade them to engage in this trade of war. From the time when the Christian religion was promulged, however strange the fact might appear to those whose business is the destruction of our race, there have always existed thousands who held it a most sacred duty not to imbrue their hands in the blood of their brethren, simply because their rulers had been pleased to declare them enemies. The history of centuries would prove that this was no theory, no speculative vision. It was an article of Christian faith, deemed a command of the Most High; and thousands of these pacific Christians have attested the sincer The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter from the Secretary of the State of Pennsylvania, enclosing copies of the returns for members of Congress for the district composed of the counties of Lancaster, Dauphin, and Lebanon, and for the district composed of the counties of Chester and Montgomery, in that State.-Laid on the table. On motion of Mr. MCLEAN, of Ohio, Resolved, That the Committee on the Publicity of their faith and their practice at the stake Lands be instructed to inquire into the expediency of subdividing the quarter sections of the lands of the United States. and on the scaffold. The bill on the table, Mr. L. said, made no exceptions as to these noiseless, though numerous, Christians. They were subResolved, That the said Committee inquire into ject to be draughted into the ranks of death, the expediency of making provision, by law, for there to continue for a year; and if they refused the sale of sections heretofore reserved for the fu- the call, they were subjected to all the rigorous ture disposition of Congress, and not sold or other-penalties of the law. In most of the States, Mr. wise disposed of in the State of Ohio, on the same terms and at the same price that other public lands are offered for sale at the respective land offices within the State. Resolved, That the said Committee inquire into the expediency of attaching to the Canton District, in the State of Ohio, the tract of land extending one mile in width on each side of the rapids of the Miami of Lake Erie, and the Western line of the Connecticut Reserve, which, by a late treaty at Brownstown, in the Michigan Territory, with certain Indian tribes, was ceded to the United States. An engrossed bill supplementary to the acts authorizing a loan for the several sums of twentyfive millions of dollars and three millions of lars, was read the third time and passed. L. said, he believed those men were excused from any kind of militia duty whatever, by paying a certain annual tax deemed equivalent to their personal services. He believed, with the exception of Virginia, there was not a State in the Union that did not suffer these peaceful Christians, in some way, to be exempted from military service. The militia laws of Virginia exact the same personal services from them as from others. None are exempted on account of religious faith and conscientious scruples. Their fines and penalties for neglect or refusal are highly severe, and, in general, are rigorously executed. The courts martial have, it is true, discretionary powers, as relates to fines; but that disdol-cretion is generally exercised rather to punish than protect all who cannot join in the ranks. There was a practice, founded on the law of the An engrossed bill making additional appropria State, so highly unjust and oppressive in its operation to these peaceful citizens, that he was astonished it should be endured in an enlightened community. When once draughted or called to service, in case of failure to obey, which must always happen to this people, a heavy fine is levied and collected. The delinquent is immediately placed on the next class for another draught, is again, of course, delinquent, and again heavily fined. This call, or draught, is sometimes repeatedly made in quick succession, and fines accumulate to an amount which reduce the most affluent to distress, and those of competent fortune to entire ruin. It operates, too, most oppressively upon those of the militia who have no religious scruples as to bearing arms. The number draughted from any particular company is in proportion to the whole number of the company, although it is composed half of men whose consciences forbid military service, and who, of course, never do, and never will, serve; yet the whole number is called forth, and thus, while these Christians are ruined by accumulated penalties, the residue have a most oppressive share of personal service. H. of R. and fines and imprisonment. In every class they are bound to take a chance for draught, and, if unsuccessful in every class and upon every draught, they are subjected to a round of suffering and oppression. He said it might be objected, that his amendment would interfere with State militia laws and regulations. He denied it; or, if it should, so did all the provisions of the bill. The bill contained principles in open violation of the State rights; it went not through the State executive, but directly to the ranks of the militia upon a certain contingency. It made direct requisitions upon those ranks, and annexed penalties and punishment to neglect or refusal to obey those requisitions. It was against this assumption of power he wished to protect these people. He said, if gentlemen would look at the bill, they would find that a power was assumed, from which no State exemption could deliver the citizen; you impose fines and penalties in a manner which the States alone have the Constitutional power to do. You make a call upon the militia, and you doom those who do not obey your call, without discrimination, to fine, imprisonment, and probable ruin. In this way you approach directMr. L. said, in the district he represented, this ¡y a class of citizens who you know would suffer description of their condition had lately, to a crucifixion sooner than obey your requisition, great extent, been realized. The fines had ac- and you leave them no refuge but in your penalcumulated to an amount which the property of ties and punishments. Why is this done? Not those oppressed people could not satisfy. It, of to fill your ranks! For you know these men will course, must be sacrificed under the marshal's never be in your ranks, unless by ruffian force. hammer; and, in case of deficiency, their persons It is to wring from them the little property which, committed to prison to expiate the sin of serving by frugality, sobriety, and labor, they have coltheir God with perseverance and pure consciences. lected to sustain their families, and smooth the Mr. L. said, when he viewed the benevolent ge- pillow of old age. He said it was unjust, oppresnius of the constitution of his native State, the sive, and sinful. Mr. L. said, he did not mean to liberal spirit of her general laws, and the mag- ask for those people any peculiar boon beyond nanimous justice which she was in the habit of what the true principles of toleration demanded. distributing to her sons, he could not but wonder Of all the pecuniary burdens of the State, the that this stain on her policy and her justice was property of those men must bear its share. He did suffered to remain. It was in direct hostility to not ask an exemption from the general weight her own spirit, views, and declarations. In 1788, and burdens of the State-there ought to be, there when ratifying the Constitution of the United could be, no such exemption. But, as to personal States, her convention tendered a bill of rights service in arms, if any man conscientiously beto the Union; and this was the 19th article of lieved it was forbidden by the voice of God, no that bill: "That any person religiously scrupu- human tribunal had the right to force such a man 'lous of bearing arms ought to be exempted, upon to violate his religion and his conscience, and to payment of an equivalent, and another employed stain his hands with human blood. A fair equivin his stead." Mr. L. said, he cited from mem- alent was all that any Government had the right ory, but was sure that he was substantially cor- to require from such a man, to be applied, not rect. How different from this is the present prac- particularly to the work of war, but to the gentice? The present law is most unequal in its eral purposes of Government; with this all ought operation; the mass of the militia, having no re- to be satisfied. The equivalent ought not to be ligious restraints, could perform their duty in oppressive on the one hand, nor on the other person, or, at worst, by hiring a substitute; and ought it to be so reduced as to permit any but the a tour of duty, performed in either way, exone- really conscientious to take advantage of it for rated them from further calls, until every militia-improper purposes. Mr. L. then offered the folman, of every class, had, in his turn, gone through lowing section to the bill, which was adopted by the same process. These peaceful Christians a large majority: could not, as they believed, under the penalties of eternal perdition, enter your ranks in arms, and they are not casuists enough to believe that they may innocently do that by substitute, which the Prince of Peace has forbidden them to perform in person. They cannot, therefore, deliver themselves from the constant harassing of marshals, SEC. 10. And be it further enacted, That every person who is a member of any religious sect or denomination of Christians, conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms, shall be exempted from the performance of the duties required by this act, by paying his due proportion of the amount contracted to be paid by the class in which he is included, according to the provision H. OF R. Militia Draughts. DECEMBER, 1814. of the fourth section of the act; or, in case there shall be a penalty-classification and draught. Sir, there is draught in such class, by paying to the person draught- poison in the dish; garnish it as you please, there ed such sum as shall be ascertained by the command- is poison still. You call it classification! I stickle ing officer of the company, so that the sum shall not not for names-" a rose by any other name would exceed three months' pay; and the payment of such smell as sweet." Is this classification? "Dissum of money, in either case, shall be considered as guise thyself as thou wilt, slavery, still thou art a entitling such person to an exemption from all the bitter draught." The times demand that things duties required by this act. should be called by their right names-this is conscription, and with features, more hideous, than are to be found in the exploded system of our unfortunate cousin of Elba. On motion of Mr. EPPES, of Virginia, the bill was amended so as to reduce the term of service of the militia proposed to be draughted, from two years to one year. The majority in favor of this motion was about twenty votes. Mr. MILLER, of New York, observed that he thought the bill objectionable in principle; and with a view to try the sense of the Committee, he moved to strike out the first section of the bill. He begged the indulgence of the Committee, while he submitted some remarks in support of his motion. Mr. Chairman, you have been correctly told by the honorable chairman of the Military Committee (Mr. TROUP) that, in discussing this bill, it will be proper to settle the principle, on which you intend to rely, for assisting your military force to carry on the war. With this object in view, it will be necessary to compare the provisions of this bill with the other military plans now on your table. The honorable chairman (Mr. TROUP) has pursued that course; and without entering at large into a discussion of the question, has objected to this bill, because he considers it too inefficient in its provisions; and because the kind of force (militia) is not of that character required by the present situation of the country. He says "it cannot be true that this Government, charged with the general defence, authorized to declare war, and raise armies, can have but one mode ' of raising armies, whilst every other Government that has ever existed has had an absolute power over the population of the country for 'this purpose, and has actually exercised it. But this question is not properly before the House, and (he says) I will not go into an argument to 'show that you can, like other Governments, resort to other modes of raising armies than that ' of voluntary enlistment. That you can resort 'to classification and draught, to classification ' and penalty, or any other mode which a sound 'discretion may in a particular state of the country dictate and justify. All I intend to say at present is, that you have an absolute power over 'the population of the country for this purpose, and that, in the present state of the country, it is 'wiser to resort to classification and draught, than 'to resort to this bill from the Senate." These are the positions taken by the honorable chairman of the Military Committee, (Mr. TROUP.) เ I object, sir, to the whole system of force and coercion; and contend that under this Constitution you have no right to raise armies except by voluntary enlistment; and further, that if you had the right it would not be discreet to exercise it. The plan which gentlemen wish adopted is conscription! They call it classification and This system of conscription, I contemplate with a horror which I cannot express, and with an alarm, which it would be criminal to conceal. Other gentlemen think differently, and will of course act differently-he who views it as I do, but illy performs his duty to his conscience or his country, if he neglects to remonstrate against it, with a zeal proportioned to the enormity of the principle, and the extent of the evils involved in it. For one, I cannot consent to be a mere spectator of a scene like this. I should consider myself as utterly unworthy the confidence of my constituents, if I did not oppose this high-handed attempt upon their rights and privileges. I would not dare to meet the indignant frowns which I should deservedly receive from them, if I did not oppose this system to the utmost of my power-I should consider that I insulted the ashes of my forefathers, who, during the struggle of the Revolution, in their humble station (and humble indeed it was) performed some little service to the State. I should be unjust to my own claims to personal freedom; I should be an unfaithful guardian to the interests of my children, if I did not oppose this system in all its forms and in all its aspects. The finger of scorn shall never be pointed to a son of mine, and say, that man's father, placed by the partiality of his friends in the councils of the nation, omitted to oppose this system by every means in his power. I seize this occasion to put myself upon the record, in characters too legible to be misunderstood. If the liberties of this country are now to be sacrificed, I wash my hands of any share of the crime. I may indeed be offered upon the altar of conscription, but if my voice and my strength do not fail me, I will this day make you my witnesses to prove that I was not a willing victim. What are the plans by which you intend to fill your army? I object to them all, as unconstitutional and inexpedient; they all look to force, and you have no right to raise an army except by voluntary enlistment. I have indeed heard that these were rival plans; for myself I consider them all as parts of a system of tyranny and oppressionthey are all branches of this Bohun Upas which is to overshadow this country, and poison all the comforts of this people. If either bill passes, the principle of coercion is established; and the claim to "absolute power over the population of the country" will soon be asserted. Your present military plans are all unconstitutional. In order to arrive at a just conclusion, as to the extent of your powers, it will be well to |