ability of the bank, but on its beggary; not on gold and silver collected in its vaults to pay its debts and fulfil its promises, but on the locks and bars provided by statute to fasten its doors against the solicitations and clamors of importunate creditors. Such an institution, they flatter themselves, will not only be able to sustain itself, but to buoy up the sinking credit of Government. A bank which does not pay, is to guarantee the engagements of a Government which does not pay. "John Doe is to become security for Richard Roe." Thus the empty vaults of the Treasury are to be filled from the equally empty vaults of the bank, and the ingenious invention of a partnership between insolvents is to restore and reestablish the credit of both. Sir, I can view this only as a system of rank speculation, and enormous mischief. Nothing in our condition is worse, in my opinion, than the inclination of Government to throw itself upon such desperate courses. If we are to be saved, it is not to be by such means. If public credit is to be restored, this is not one of the measures that will help to restore it. If the Treasury is exhausted, this bank will not fill it with anything valuable. If a safe circulating medium be wanted for the community, it will not be found in the paper of such a corporation. I wish, sir, that those who imagine that these objects, or any of them, will be effected by such a bank as this, would describe the manner in which they expect it to be done. What is the process which is to produce these results? If it is perceived, it can be described. The bank will not operate either by miracle or magic. Whoever expects any good from it, ought to be able to tell us in what way that good is to be produced. As yet we have had nothing but general ideas, and vague and loose expressions. An indefinite and indistinct notion is entertained, nobody here seems to know on what ground, that this bank is to reanimate public credit, fill the Treasury, and remove all the evils which have arisen from the depreciation of the paper of existing banks. Some gentlemen, who do not profess themselves to be in all respects pleased with the provisions of the bill, seem to content themselves with an idea that nothing better can be obtained, and that it is necessary to do something. H. OF R. relied on; not excessive issues of bank notes, a forced circulation, and all the miserable contrivances to which political folly can resort, with the idle expectation of giving to mere paper the quality of money. These are all inventions of a short-sighted policy, vexed and goaded by the necessities of the moment, and thinking less of a permanent remedy, than of shifts and expedients to avoid the present distress. They have been a thousand times exploded, as delusive and ruinous, as destructive of all solid revenue, and incompatible with the security of private property. It is, sir, sufficiently obvious, that to produce any benefit, this bank must be so constituted as that its notes shall have credit with the public. The first inquiry, therefore, should be, whether the bills of a bank of this kind will not be immediately and greatly depreciated. I think they will. It would be wonderful if they should not. This effect will not be produced by that excessive issue of its paper, which the bank must make in its loan to Government. Whether its issues of paper are excessive, will depend, not on the nominal amount of its capital, but on its ability to redeem. This is the only safe criterion. Very special cases may perhaps furnish exceptions, but there is in general no security for the credit of paper, but the ability in those who emit to redeem it. Whenever bank notes are not convertible into gold or silver at the will of the holder, they become of less value than gold and silver. All experiments on this subject have come to the same result. It is so clear, and has been so universally admitted, that it would be waste of time to dwell upon it. The depreciation may not be sensibly perceived the first day or the first week it takes place. It will first be discerned in what is called the rise of specie; it will next be seen in the increased price of all commodities. The circulating medium of a commercial community must be that which is also the circulating medium of other commercial communities, or must be capable of being converted into that medium without loss. It must be able, not only to pass in payments and receipts between individuals of the same society or nation, but to adjust and discharge the balance of exchanges between different nations. It must be something which has a value abroad, as well as at home, and by which foreign as well as domestic debts can be satisfied. The precious metals alone answer these purposes. They alone, therefore, are money, and whatever else is to perform the offices of money must be their representative, and capable of being turned into them at will. So long as bank paper retains this quality, it is a substitute for money; divested of this, nothing can give it that character. A strong impression that something must be done, is the origin of many bad measures. It is easy, sir, to do something; but the object is to do something useful. It is better to do nothing, than to do mischief. It is much better, in my opinion, to make no bank, than to pass the bill as it now is. The interests to be affected by this measure, the finances, the public credit, and the circulating medium of the country, are too important to be hazarded on schemes like this. If we wish to re- No solidity of funds, no sufficiency of assets, store the public credit. and to re-establish the no confidence in the solvency of banking institufinances, we have the beaten road before us. All tions has ever enabled them to keep up their patrue analogy, all experience, all just knowledge per to the value of gold and silver, any longer than of ourselves and our condition point one way. they paid gold and silver for it on demand. This We We can hardly mistake it, without wilful blind- will continue to be the case so long as those meness. A wise and systematic economy, and a set-tals shall continue to be the standard of value and tled and substantial revenue are the means to be the general circulating medium among nations. A striking illustration of this common_principle is found in the early history of the Bank of England. In the year 1797, it had been so liberal in its loans, that it was compelled to suspend the payment of its notes. Its paper immediately fell to a discount of near twenty per cent. Yet such was the public opinion of the solidity of its funds, that its stock then sold for one hundred and ten per cent., although no more than sixty per cent. upon the subscriptions had been paid in." JANUARY, 1815. a bill of exchange on Europe can be purchased, as it may, twenty per cent. cheaper in Boston than in Baltimore, the reason must be, that it is paid for in Boston in money, and in Baltimore in something twenty per cent. less value than money. Noth withstanding this depression of their paper, it is not probable that any general doubt is entertained of the sufficiency of the funds of the principal banks. Certainly no such doubt is the cause of the fall of their paper; because the depression The same fate, as is well known, attended the of the paper of all the banks in any place, as far paper of the banks of Scotland, when they adopt-as I learn, is generally uniform and equal; whereed the practice of inserting in their notes a clause, giving the banks an option of paying their notes on demand, or in six months after demand, with interest. Paper of this sort was not convertible into specie at the pleasure of the holder; and no conviction of the ability of the bank which issued it, could preserve it from depreciation. The suspension of specie payments by the Bank of England in 1797, and the consequences which followed, afford no argument to overturn this general experience. If Bank of England notes were not immediately depreciated on that occasion, depreciation nevertheless did ensue. Very favorable causes existed to prevent their sudden depression. It was an old and rich institution. It was known to be under the most discreet and independent management. Government had no control over it, to force it to make loans against its interest or its will. On the contrary, it compelled the Government to pay, though with much inconvenience to itself, a very considerable sum which was due to it. The country enjoyed at that time an extensive commerce, and a revenue of three hundred millions of dollars was collected and distributed through the bank. Under all these advantages, however, the difference of price between bank notes and coin became so great as to threaten at one time the most dangerous consequences. Suppose the condition of England to have been reversed. Suppose, that instead of a prosperous and increasing commerce, she had suffered the ruin of her trade; and that the product of her manufactures had lain upon her hands, as the product of our agriculture now perishes on ours. Does any one imagine that her circulating paper could have existed, and maintained any credit in such a change of her condition? What ought to surprise us is, not that her bank paper was depreciated, but that it was not depreciated sooner and lower than in fact it was. The reason can only be found in that extraordinary combination of favorable circumstances which never existed before, and is hardly to be expected again. Much less is it to be discovered in our condition at present. as, if public opinion proceeded at all, upon the adequacy or inadequacy of their funds, it would necessarily come to different results, in different cases, as some of these institutions must be supposed to be richer than others. Sir, something must be discovered, which has hitherto escaped the observation of mankind, before you can give paper, intended for circulation, the value of a metallic currency, any longer than it represents that currency, and is convertible into it, at the will of the holder. The paper then, of this bank, if you make it, will be depreciated for the same reason that the paper of other banks which have gone before it, and of those which now exist around us, has been depreciated: because it is not to pay specie for its notes. Other institutions, setting out perhaps on honest principles, have fallen into discredit through mismanagement or misfortune. But this bank is to begin with insolvency. It is to issue its bills to the amount of thirty millions at least, when everybody knows it cannot pay them. It is to commence its existence in dishonor. It is to draw its first breath in disgrace. The promise contained in the first note it sends forth, is to be a false promise and whoever receives the note, is to take it with the knowledge that it will not be paid, according to the terms of it. But this, sir, is not all. The framers of this bill have not done their work by halves. They have put the depreciation of the notes of their bank beyond all doubt or uncertainty, by the manner in which the capital is constituted. They have made assurance doubly sure. In addition to excessive issue of paper, and the failure to make payments, both which they provide for by law, they make the capital of the bank to consist principally of public stock. If this stock could be sold as in the former Bank of the United States, the evil would be less. But the bank has not the power to sell it, and for all purposes of enabling it to fulfil its engagements, its funds might as well be at the bottom of the ocean, as in Government stocks, of which it cannot enforce payment, and of which it cannot dispose. But we have experience nearer home. The paper of all the banks south of New England has become depreciated to an alarming extent. This The credit of this institution is to be founded cannot be denied. All that is said of the existence on public funds, not on private property or comof this depreciation only at places remote from mercial credit. It is to be a financial, not a comthe banks, is unfounded and idle. It exists every-mercial bank. Its credit, therefore, can hardly where, even at the very doors of the banks them- be better at any time, than the credit of the Govselves. The rates of exchange, both foreign and ernment. If the stocks be depreciated, so of course domestic, put this point beyond controversy. If must everything be which rests on the stocks. It would require extraordinary ingenuity to show how a bank which is founded on the public debt, is to have any better reputation than the debt itself. It must be some very novel invention which makes the superstructure keep its place after the foundation has fallen. The argument seems to stand thus. The public funds, it is admitted, have little credit; the bank will have no credit which it does not borrow of the funds; but the bank will be in full credit. If, sir, we were in a temper to learn wisdom from experience, the history of most of the banks on the continent of Europe might teach us the futility of all these contrivances. Those are, like this before us, established for purposes of finance, not purposes of commerce. The same fortune has happened to them all. Their credit has sunk. Their respective Governments go to them for money, when they can get it nowhere else; and the banks can relieve their wants only by new issues of their own paper. As this is not redeemed, the invariable consequence of depreciation follows; and this has sometimes led to the miserable and destructive expedient of a depreciation of the coin itself. Such are the banks of Petersburg, Copenhagen, Vienna, and other cities of Europe. And while the paper of these Government banks has been thus depressed, that of other banks, existing in their near neighborhood, unconnected with Government, and conducting their business on the basis of commercial credit, has retained a value equivalent to that of coin. H. OF R. produce on the revenue of the country? By the Is this Government, sir, now ready to put its resources all at hazard, by pursuing a similar course? Is it ready to sacrifice its whole substantial revenue, and permanent supplies, to an ill contrived, ill considered, dangerous and ruinous project, adopted only as the means of obtaining a little present and momentary relief? It ought to be considered also, what effects this bank will produce on other banking institutions already existing, and on the paper which they have issued. The aggregate capital of these institutions is large. The amount of their notes is large, and these notes constitute at present, in a great portion of the country, the only circulating medium, if they can be called a circulating medium. Whatever affects this paper, either to raise it, or to depress it lower than it is, affects the interest of every man in the community. Excessive issues of paper, and a close connexion with Government, are the two circumstances, which of all others are most certain to destroy the credit of bank paper. If there were no excessive issue, or in other words, if the bank paid its notes in specie on demand, its connexion with Government, and its interest in the funds, would not perhaps materially affect the circulation of its paper, although they would naturally diminish the value of its stock. But when these two circumstances exist in the condition of any bank; that it does not pay its notes, and that its funds are in public stocks, and all its operations intimately blended It is sufficient, on this point to refer to the mewith the operations of Government, nothing fur-morial from the banks of New York. That asther need be known, to be quite sure that its paper will not answer the purpose of a creditable circulating medium. I look upon it, therefore, sir, as certain that a very considerable discount will attach itself to the notes of this bank, the first day of their appearance; that this discount will continue to increase, and unless Congress should be able to fur nish some remedy, which is not certain, the paper in the end will be worth nothing. If this happens, not only will no one of the benefits proposed be obtained, but evils of the most alarming magnitude will follow. All the horrors of a paper money system are before us. If we venture on the present expedient, we shall hardly be able to avoid them. The ruin of public affairs and the wreck of private property will ensue. I would ask, sir, whether the friends of this measure have well considered what effect it will sures us that it must be the operation of such a bank as this bill would establish, to increase the difficulties and distress which the existing banks now experience, and to render it nearly impossible for them to resume the payment of their notes. This is what every man would naturally expect. Paper already depreciated will necessarily be sunk still lower when another flood of depreciated paper is forced into circulation. Very recently, sir, this Government refused to extend the charter of the Bank of the United States, upon the ground that it was unconstitutional for Congress to create banks. Many of the State banks owe their existence to this decision. It was an invitation to the States to incorporate as much banking capital as would answer all the purposes of the country. Notwithstanding whatever we may now see and hear, it would then have been deemed a gross imputation on the con H. OF R. Bank of the United States. JANUARY, 1815. ford, Stockton, Sturges, Taggart, Thompson, Vose, sistency of Government if any man had expressed an expectation that in five years all these Constitutional scruples would be forgotten, all the danger to political liberty from moneyed institutions disregarded, and a bank proposed upon the most extraordinary principles, with an unprecedented amount of capital, and with no obliga-stock, Conard, Creighton, Crouch, Cuthbert, Dana, Da tion to fulfil its contracts. The State Banks have not forced themselves in the way of Government. They were established, many of them at least, when Government had declared its purpose to have no bank of its own. They deserve some regard on their own account, and on account of those particularly concerned in them; but they deserve much more consideration on account of the quantity of their paper which is in circulation, and the interest which the whole community has in it. Let it be recollected, also, sir, that the present condition of the banks is principally owing to their advances to Government. The Treasury has borrowed of the banks, or of those who themselves borrowed of the banks, till the banks have become as poor, and almost as much discredited, as the Treasury itself. They have depreciated their paper, nearly ruined themselves, and brought the sorest distress on the country by doing that on a small scale, which this new bank is to perform on a scale vastly larger. It is almost unpardonable in the conductors of these institutions not to have foreseen the consequences which have resulted from the course pursued by them. They were all plain and visible. If they have any apology, it is that they were no blinder than the Government, and that they yielded to those, who would take no denial. It will be altogether unpardonable in us, if with this, as well as all other experience before us, we continue to pursue a system which must inevitably lead us, through depreciation of currency, paper money, tender laws, and all the contempt. ible and miserable contrivances of disordered finance and national insolvency, to complete and entire bankruptcy in the end. I hope the House will recommit the bill for amendment. When Mr. WEBSTER had concluded, the motion for recommitment was supported by Messrs. PICKERING, SHIPHERD, and WHEATON, in speeches of considerable length, and opposed by Messrs. FORSYTH and RHEA. The question on recommitment was at length decided in the negative by yeas and nays-yeas 68, nays 89, as follows: cher, Avery, Barbour, Bard, Barnett, Bines, Burwell, Caldwell, Cannon, Chappell, Clark, Clendenin, Comvis of Pennsylvania, Denoyelles, Desha, Duvall, Earle, Findley, Fisk of Vermont, Fisk of New York, Forney, Harris, Hasbrouck, Hawes, Hawkins, Hopkins of KenForsyth, Franklin, Gholson, Gourdin, Griffin, Hall, tucky, Hubbard, Ingersoll, Ingham, Irving, Irwin, Jackson of Virginia, Johnson of Virginia, Johnson of Kentucky, Kennedy, Kent of Maryland, Kerr, Kershaw, Kilbourn, King of North Carolina, Lefferts, Lowndes, Lyle, Macon, McCoy, McKim, McLean, Montgomery, Moore, Murfree, Nelson, Newton, Ormsby, Parker, Pickens, Pleasants, Rhea of Pensylvania, Rhea of Tennessee, Rich, Ringgold, Robertson, Sage, Sevier, Seybert, Sharp, Skinner, Smith of Pennsyl vania, Tannehill, Taylor, Telfair, Ward of New Jersey, Williams, Wilson of Pennsylvania, and Yancey. The bill was then read through, in the usual manner. Mr. RHEA, of Tennessee, spoke a short time in explanation of the motives which would govern his vote in this case. Mr. GROSVENOR, of New York, for the purpose of introducing a motion in aid of the rule, to prevent those members interested in the question from voting, moved to lay the bill on the table. The motion was predicated on the fact that one member of the House (and perhaps others might be) was the proprieter of certain of the public stock, which is allowed to be paid in, in part, on account of shares to be subscribed to the bank. This motion was opposed by Mr. Fisk, of New York, and Mr. FINDLEY, of Pennsylvania; by whom it was contended that the rule of the House in this respect was sufficiently operative without this aid. It was supported by the mover, and by Mr. WARD, and Mr. FARROW. The question on laying the bill on the table, was decided by yeas and nays-for laying the bill on the table 58, against it 104, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Baylies of Massachusetts, Bayly of Virginia, Bigelow, Boyd, Bradbury, Breckenridge, Brigham, Caperton, Champion, Cilley, Cooper, Coxe, Culpeper, Davenport, Davis of Massachusetts, Duvall, Ely, Farrow, Gaston, Grosvenor, Hale, Hanson, Henderson, Hulbert, Ingersoll, Jackson of Rhode Island, Kent of New York, Law, Lewis, Lovett, Markell, Miller, Moseley, Oakley, Pearson, Pickering, Pitkin, Potter, John Reed, William Reed, Ruggles, Schureman, Sheffey, Sherwood, Slaymaker, Stanford, Stockton, Stuart, Sturges, Thompson, Vose, Ward of Massachusetts, Webster, Wheaton, White, Wilcox, Wilson of Mas YEAS-Messrs. Baylies of Massachusetts, Bayly of Virginia, Bigelow, Bowen, Boyd, Bradbury, Brecken-sachusetts, and Winter. ridge, Brigham, Butler, Caperton, Calhoun, Champion, Cilley, Clopton, Cooper, Cox, Crawford, Culpeper, Davenport, Davis of Massachusetts, Ely, Evans, Farrow, Gaston, Geddes, Grosvenor, Hale, Henderson, Howell, Humphreys, Hulbert, Jackson of Rhode Island, Kent of New York, King of Massachuseets, Law, Lewis, Lovett, McKee, Miller, Moseley, Markell, Oakley, Pearson, Pickering, Pitkin, Potter, John Reed, William Reed, Ruggles, Schureman, Sheffey, Sherwood, Shipherd, Slaymaker, Smith of New York, Stan NAYS-Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Anderson, Archer, Avery, Bard, Barnett, Bines, Bowen, Bradley, Brown, Burwell, Butler, Caldwell, Calhoun, Cannon, Chappell, Clark, Clendenin, Clopton, Comstock, Conard, Crawford, Creighton, Crouch, Cuthbert, Dana, Davis of Pennsylvania, Denoyelles, Desha, Earle, Evans, Findley, Fisk of Vermont, Fisk of New York, Forney, Forsyth, Franklin, Geddes, Gholson, Glasgow, Gourdin, Griffin, Hall, Harris, Hasbrouck, Hawes, Hawkins, Hopkins of Kentucky, Howell, Hubbard, JANUARY, 1815. Bank of the United States. H. OF R. Humphreys, Ingham, Irving, Irwin, Jackson of Vir- expressing his solemn belief, that neither of these ginia, Johnson of Virginia, Johnson of Kentucky, Ken- purposes would be answered by the bill. He denedy, Kent of Maryland, Kerr, Kershaw, Kilbourn, nied that the passage of this bill was demanded King of Massachusetts, King of North Carolina, Lef- by the safety of the nation; but intimated his ferts, Lyle, Macon, McCoy, McKee, McKim, McLean, opinion that a National Bank bill might be framed, Montgomery, Moore, Murfree, Nelson, Newton, Orms- by which the avowed objects of the present bill by, Parker, Pickens, Pleasants, Rea of Pennsylvania, might be accomplished, which he had no doubt Rhea of Tennessee, Rich, Ringgold, Robertson, Sage, would unite a majority in its favor. Although Sevier, Seybert, Sharp, Shipherd, Skinner, Smith of the vote was painful to him to give, he was therePennsylvania, Strong, Taggart, Tannehill, Taylor, Tel-fore obliged to vote in the negative. fair, Troup, Udree, Ward of New Jersey, Williams, Wilson of Pennsylvania, and Yancey. The question was then taken on the passage of the bill. The yeas and nays thereon stood—yeas 81, nays 80, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, Alston, Anderson, Archer, Avery, Barnett, Bines, Bradley, Brown, Caldwell, Cannon, Chappell, Clark, Clendenin, Comstock, Conard, Creighton, Crouch, Cuthbert, Dana, Davis of Pennsylvania, Denoyelles, Duvall, Earle, Farrow, Findley, Fisk of Vermont, Fisk of New York, Forney, Forsyth, Gholson, Gourdin, Griffin, Harris, Hasbrouck, Hawes, Hawkins, Hopkins of Kentucky, Hubbard, Ingersoll, Ingham, Irving, Irwin, Kent of Maryland, Kerr, Kershaw, Kilbourn, King of North Carolina, Lefferts, Lowndes, Lyle, McCoy, McKee, McLean, Montgomery, Moore, Murfree, Nelson, Ormsby, Parker, Pickens, Pleasants, Rea of Pennsylvania, Rhea of Tennessee, Rich, Ringgold, Robertson, Sage, Sevier, Sharp, Skinner, Smith of Pennsylvania, Strong, Tannehill, Taylor, Telfair, Udree, Ward of New Jersey, Williams, Wilson of Pennsylvania, and Yancey. The SPEAKER'S vote having produced an equality of votes, he declared the decision of the House to be, that the bill should not pass. So the bill is rejected. the bill, then moved a reconsideration of the vote Mr. HALL, of Georgia, who had voted against just taken. He said he was opposed to this bill, and should be opposed to any bill for the establishment of a National Bank; but he was willing that his friends should have an opportunity of giving such a shape to a bill on that subject, as should unite the votes of all who were friendly on principle to the establishment of a National Bank. The question for a reconsideration of the vote having been stated from the Chair-a motion was made to adjourn, and decided in the affirmative. TUESDAY, January 3. Another member, to wit: from Massachusetts, ABIEL WOOD, appeared and took his seat. Mr. Fisk, of New York, from the Committee of Ways and Means, to whom was referred the amendments of the Senate to the bill for taxing certain manufactures, reported in favor of an agreement to all the amendments of the Senate, except that one which proposed a tax of eight per cent. ad valorem on all umbrellas or parasols. This report was referred to a Committee of the Whole." subject, reported a bill to establish an uniform system of bankruptcy throughout the United States; which was twice read, and referred to a Committee of the whole House. NAYS-Messrs. Bard, Baylies of Massachusetts, Bayly of Virginia, Bigelow, Bowen, Boyd, Bradbury, Breckenridge, Brigham, Burwell, Butler, Caperton, Calhoun, Champion, Cilley, Clopton, Cooper, Cox, Crawford, Culpeper, Davenport, Davis of Massachusett, Desha, Ely, Evans, Franklin, Gaston, Geddes, Glasgow, Grosvenor, Hale, Hall, Hanson, Henderson, Howell, Humphreys, Hulbert, Jackson of Rhode Island, Johnson of Virginia, Johnson of Kentucky, Kennedy, Kent of New York, King of Massachusetts, Law, Lewis, Lovett, Macon, McKim, Miller, Moseley, MarMr. INGERSOLL, of Pennsylvania, from the Jukell, Newton, Oakley, Pearson, Pickering, Pitkin, Potter, John Reed, William Reed, Ruggles, Schureman, diciary Committee, to whom was referred the Seybert, Sheffey, Sherwood, Shipherd, Slaymaker, Stan-petition of sundry citizens of New York on that ford, Stockton, Stuart, Sturges, Taggart, Thompson, Vose, Ward of Massachusetts, Webster, Wheaton, White, Wilcox, Wilson of Massachusetts, and Winter. The state of the vote having been declaredThe SPEAKER (Mr. CHEVES, of South Carolina,) rose. After adverting to the rule of the House, which makes it the right and duty of the Speaker to vote in two cases, of which this was one, he proceeded to assign briefly the reasons which influenced him to vote against the bill. He noticed A message was received from the President of the opinions expressed on both sides of the House for and against the measure; and declared his the United States, transmitting a report of the own conviction that the bill proposed a danger under the act for laying out the great western Secretary of the Treasury, of the proceedings ous, unexampled, and, he might almost say, a des-road-Referred to a select committee. perate resort. He cursorily examined the three views in which the passage of the bill had been advocated, namely, as calculated to resuscitate public credit; to establish a circulating medium; and to afford the ways and means for the support of the Government. He delivered, with even more than his usual eloquence and impressiveness, his opinions of these several points, and concluded with 13th CoN. 3d SESS.-33 Committee, to whom was referred the bill from Mr. PLEASANTS, of Virginia, from the Naval the Senate, authorizing the appointment of certain naval' officers therein named, reported the same without amendment; and it was referred to a Committee of the Whole. The amendments of the Senate to the furniture and Means. tax bill, were referred to the Committee of Ways BANK OF THE UNITED STATES. The House resumed the consideration of the unfinished business, being a motion to reconsider the vote to reject the bill to incorporate the sub |