continue Crowell, contrary to the remonstrance of the State, distinctly repeated by every party, and confirmed by every person in the land, except a few of the violent leaders of the Clark faction, with their Chief at their head? Is the doctrine to prevail, and are the people to understand, that officers are not to be appointed to suit their convenience and accommodation, but to serve the interest and ambitious views of rulers ? Is the whole voice of a country to be utterly disregarded, when it comes in opposition to the projects of ambition? I speak in a plain language because it is suited to a plain people, living, as they have fondly believed, under a plain government and plainly understood. Are we now to be informed that it is one of the principles of this government, that the office of the Chief Magistrate of the Union, is created for the President alone? And is not this the inevitable inference if, by fact and assertion, he is not bound by the " will of his constituents ?" What is a representative government? Is it not the right to choose, (or to dictate the choice in the spirit and intention of republican institutions,) those pubJic agents who are to represent the feelings and interest, and to exercise the delegated power of the whole community for their exclusive benefit and happiness? If an instance of arbitrary power was asked for in this country, to what greater could the people point than a departure from this essential principle? Mr. Adams has done it, not once, but repeatedly; and yet to complain of it, by the doctrine of some in this State, is factious, seditious, and even treasonable. I have been very full, and perhaps tedious, in laying open to public scrutiny, the conduct of the general government, its principles, motives, and as I conceive, its secret springs of action, designed for sinister purposes, because there is in this State a party who do not scruple to side with that governmet in all its pretensions, advocate, on all occasions, its measures, support its doctrines against state rights, and even against the character and direct interest of their own. I have a right, personally, to make this assertion, because, personally, from that party, I have suffered for maintaining contrary principles, and what I honestly believed to be, not only the just right of the States, but the unquestionable right of Georgia. And this they have not only avowed, but in it, have greatly exulted. I do not complain; nor will I boast that I have a spirit infinitely above such a feeling. I have come to that time of life, and attained that degree of public confidence, where my private interests are safe from any other than an act of Providence, or a midnight assault. To the first, I trust, I shall always submit, and the last, I will endeavour to prevent. The emoluments of office can offer but little allurement to any one-its honors, in the present state of things, infinitely less and as to my character, it can never dread or feel an attack from the quarter whence it has been recently assailed. Reputation can only be injured by reputation-standing can only be affected by standing; be. titles, and the rights of man, they have resolved to wait, in indignant silence, the coming event; and holding their property next to their lives and their liberty, they will not part with it without a struggle." When did Georgia ever hold such a language? And if a few brave and honest purchasers of public lands, so manfully assert their rights, and are so determined to defend them, even against the mighty power of the general government, what ought not a sovereign and independent state to do, when her whole territory and jurisdiction are invaded and attempted to be taken? cause the force of truth depends upon the credit of the witness. If these rules be true, I leave the community to judge what right I have to complain. "An honest, sensible, and well-bred man Will not asperse me, and no other can." I repeat, I do not complain; but I mention the fact in support of the position I have laid down, and I wish the question to be distinctly understood, that "Atticus lost his office for the principles which he avowed and maintained in his first numbers." Now, if those principles are not suited to the people of Georgia, in the name of Heaven let contrary ones prevail, and let all men submit to the will of the majority: but let those principles be known and well understood. Thousands have never seen them, and have only heard of them through the distorted medium of subtle and low design; other thousands have seen, but care not to understand them, and perhaps never will, until they are relieved from the slavish spell under which they are bound. It is now my object to review some of those doctrines and statements, and adduce others in proof of the fact, that the party called the 'Clark party,' with the exception of very many honorable men, who do not understand the extent of their views, are the firm and constant supporters of John Q. Adams and his administration, and particularly that part of it which relates to the insults and injuries offered to their own state. That they are strong advocates of federal power, and discourage every effort of this and the other states, to assert and maintain their constitutional rights. The time has certainly arrived when the people ought to reflect and coolly enquire, How has it happened that the state has been thrown into so much confusion and embarrassment-confusion at home and embarrassment abroad? It is readily said by the party I have mentioned, that Gov. Troup's violence is the sole cause of it. Now, candid men, honest men, and men of intelligence will always examine the acts of a public character said to be productive of mischief, before they make up and pass their verdict against him. This was all that Atticus contended for, and it was necessary, to obtain a rational decision, to array before the public all the measures of Gov. Troup, declared to be obnoxious to the people and the general government. What were they? Let us approach this matter with some degree of honesty; let us strip it of all unnecessary appendages: this is the true course of one in pursuit of truth: prejudice can never advance right, or passion correct wrong. Then, I affirm, the whole of Governor Troup's crying sin consisted in the bold ness of his language to the general government, for as to the principles contended for by him, there is not a man in Georgia, and if there is, I dare him to make himself known, who will not admit, nay, much as he may dislike it, be compelled to admit that every claim asserted by Governor Troup was founded in the most obvious justice.-His demands were few, but they were firmly made, just exactly as became an honest freeman at the head of a free and sovereign state, addressing himself to a government of no higher dignity or power than his own. Let all his documents be carefully examined, and it will be found that three, and but three distinct claims were made upon the general government. These were short, but well understood-1st, pay us for our militia services2d, fulfil your contract in relation to our territory-3d, let our negroes alone. These were the subjects discussed in the former numbers of Atticus; and connected with these, were the outrages we had received, merely because we had been bold enough to think for ourselves, and not quite tame enough to submit to arbitrary aggression. : The first number of Atticus gave a detail of the services and sufferings of our militia, unimpassioned, because every fact had a heart and a tongue to speak for itself. That number showed not only a constitu tional, but if possible, a religious right to recompense; and in these, perhaps, consisted its greatest weakness. It showed the frequency and the humbleness of our applications for redress; but supplication implies dependence, and power never relinquishes an occasion that can minister to its lusts, or loosens its grasp upon an object that tends to heighten its homage. In proof of this, the militia claims have never yet been paid, and are not even so much countenanced as those of Massachusetts, who refused not only to fight the battles of the country, in the last war, but resisted the orders of the general government and tried to prevent others from doing it. What temper could remain frozen under such facts? Does any one wonder, that a mere man, a man of honest feeling, a man enjoying the highest confidence of a state, and that state long neglected and abused, could not sit still and continue to sue in the up-raised aspect of entreaty? Gov. Troup did clamour, and clamoured loudly for this just demand: he did say that if it were not discharged, the general government would act dishonestly: he did insinuate that a thirty years neglect of an honest claim bordered strongly upon an instance of bad faith and what of all this? Is truth the less triumphant because it ripples in unstudied language? must it always glide upon a surface of glass or float upon a bed of moss? Atticus dared to think otherwise, and did say "if the only legitimate remedy has been sought, and sought in vain, if we can neitheir woo by expostulation, touch by entreaty, warm by justice, or move by supplication, in the name of Heaven let us be permitted to groan, even though it should be loud enough to offend our unfeeling masters." And where, in all this, is the crime? Are any, in this state, except the heads of that faction in which John Crowell is a conspicuous member, and devoted to the visionary projects of Adams, prepared to say that Georgia ought not to complain, and that her complaints have been mutinous and unfounded? If such there be, let him stand forth and openly and honestly avow his principles; it is his right. but then the people will know how to mark him. It is this secret and insidious support of measures, hostile to the interests of Georgia, that should arouse the open indignation of the community. The Clark party do not hesitate to approve, applaud, and advance every measure of the general government, however it may wound the feelings, degrade the character, and impair the rights of Georgia, and yet have the hardihood to say, even by public toasts, that they do not support Mr. Adams.—Actions and facts speak louder than words, and I hope, before I am done, to shew such as will infallibly point to the Georgia friends of Mr. Adams, and of which any man will be convinced, who has not parted with his senses, or what is worse, trifled away his honesty. (No. 7. ) "When the leader is once fixed, there will never fail to be followers; and man is so apt to imitate so much of the nature of sheep, that whoever is so bold as to give the first great leap over the heads of those about him, though he be the worst of the flock, shall be quickly followed by the rest. Besides, when parties are once formed, the stragglers look so ridiculous, and become so insignificant, that they have no other way but to run into the herd, which, at least, will hide and protect them; and where, to be much considered, requires only to be very violent."-Swift. SUCH is the unfortunate construction of human society, that it is subject to as many fluctuations as those of the natural world, and in the varied aspects which it often presents, there is a great and striking similarity. The atmosphere is not more liable to its whirlwinds, tempests, and tornadoes, than is the body politic; and as in those, nothing is spared or respected, as the forest and the field, the lawn and the landscape alike experience its ravaging effects. So in political commotions, virtues and talents, services and fidelity fall before the fury of ignorance and malice, and the ruin becomes as indiscriminate as the violence is irresistible; and it is equally curious to observe the wonderful analogy between the causes which produce these different convulsions. A speck upon the horizon, at first betokening no concern or alarm, will lie browling and swelling until all the surrounding elements become agitated, and then rushing into one body, comes charged with every mischief calculated to inspire terror and dismay. So in the tumults and heavings of society. An individual of violent temperament, of little information, and less principle, but notorious for his restless and jealous disposition, remarkable for the frequency of his broils and the suspicious character of his company, will sometimes force himself into notice, by reaching and grasping at every thing that comes in his way. Often, from his impudence and boldness, he fails in his projects, and then he raises the noisy clamor of persecution, and thereby actually makes his disgraces and disappointments subserve the purposes of his elevation. When once he has seized upon the public sympathies and becomes the exclusive object of their pity, no matter what his former character, no matter how contemptible his mind and qualifications, no matter how corrupt his morals, or doubtful his honesty, he is able to vault upon the backs of a deluded multitude, and straddling their shoulders, he wrings and twists them in every direction, and with the most vociferating and boisterous out-cries, overcoming all reason and reflection, he rides them until they are fairly tired down with their own disgusting burthen; and when they come to their senses they wonder how they have been made the miserable dupes of such infamous and shallow imposition. This severe reproach is not far distant from the people of Georgia. Never did a people so far forget their own dignity or lay aside their own just sense of self respect. And when the season comes, and come it must, that they will be delivered over to the repentant upbraidings inspired by such folly, they will find every low and degrading measure of the state, heightened by the scorn of every honest face, worse than a scorpion sting. The first great question to be settled by the people of Georgia, is to determine whether they are satisfied with the conduct of the general government, its agents, and officers; for if they are, I candidly own there is no further use for either argument or information. I have not lived to this time of life ignorant of the inveteracy of opinion founded in the passion of ambition, or the obstinacy of prejudice whetted by the constant force of opposition. An angel from Heaven cannot remove impressions set in a spirit of such inflexible rancour, and confirmed by the pride of long indulgence. But if there are any who have not fallen into such an incurable infatuation, and should dare to be discontented with the treatment he has received through the insulted honour of his state, to such I would say, he possesses a nobleness of feeling, which should be cherished at every hazard, and if necessary, elevated into a sentiment strong enough to be respected, and swelled into a tone loud enough to be heard. If a majority of the state are prepared to say that every thing done by Mr. Adams is well done, is promotive of the interest of Georgia, is respectful to her feelings, is regardful of her rights, is mindful of her honour and character, let the declaration be explicitly made; let it be announced in an unquestionable shape, in a language not to be misunderstood; and the minority, by every principle of free government, is bound to submit. But if, on the contrary, there is virtue and principle enough in the good people of this state to resent and resist the insults and oppressions of Mr. Adams, let them not fear to do so by the slavish threats of his friends, and their impotent denunciations.-It is true, Mr. Adams has a powerful support in Georgia, and it is of the most dangerous materials; for against the secret design and insidious purpose, there is no safe protection. If it were open and avowed, it could be met and defeated; but concealed and hidden as it is, it can only be combatted in the dark and bodiless form it assumes.— When we see men supporting all the measures of his administration, without a solitary exception, by declarations, by public resolutions, by open debate when we see them opposing, with the most unswerving constancy, all those who are attempting to prove their injustice, and to parry their most hurtful consequences, does any one doubt what side they are? Surely there are none who hold their own judgment in such low distrust as to pause for a moment on such a question. Do they not believe we are entitled to our lands? And yet Mr. Adams has strained every nerve to prevent it. But this is not all:-have the people of Georgia been united on this most reasonable claim, the one, of all others, that is founded in the most unobjectionable right-the one that demanded and deserved the hearty co-operation of every friend to the state?Who aided Mr. Adams in his unholy projects to deprive us of this right? Let the question be answered in candour, and it can be answered with out a pang, if people will only look to facts. Has John Crowell taken no part in this business--General Gaines been a silent and an unobtrusive spectator of the matter-Timothy Andrews perfectly disinterested and inofficious in the affair? Who is it that says Crowell is an "honest and honourable" man? Who is it that tried to screen his conduct from scrutiny and punishment-supported him in all his difficultiesencouraged him by personal and peculiar attentions-countenanced |