dily concur in the establishment of these durable monuments of the greatness of their country in arts, as they did to sustain its glory in

arms.

I believe we were first indebted to Sir Christopher Wren for the idea of forming a lofty terrace on arches along the banks of the Thames, but his plans I have not seen, nor yet those more recently proposed; neither have I had the honor of conferring with Colonel Trench, nor any of those distinguished architects who have turned their attention to this subject. I may therefore be going over ground already better occupied by others, and I may likewise overlook very important points before suggested; but my attention was called to that part of the subject which regards the banks of the Thames, by the proceedings of the meeting which recently took place. After the development of the plans then brought forward, it has become a less difficult, and I hope will not be deemed a presumptuous office, to propose the farther extension of what has been so ably commenced. With such feelings I venture to offer these suggestions to the indulgent consideration of the public.

Those observations, which regard the general improvement of the Metropolis in other respects, are the result of various crude thoughts on the subject, which had at times presented themselves to my view, but had been suffered to remain dormant in my own mind, until the measures under consideration induced me first to commit them to writing, and now to offer them in their present form, under the hope that others more equal to the task may be incited to give their serious attention to such important objects as the future improvement and embellishment of this great Metropolis of the British Empire.

The general attention which of late has been directed to subjects of this nature, cannot fail to have had the most encouraging effect on all who feel the great importance of a right direction being given to the public taste, who connect the cultivation of all the arts of civilised life with the moral improvement of the country, and who view a just combination of public utility and national splendor, as being amongst the surest indications of an enlightened government and a polished people.

28th July, 1824.

This paper which was received by us at the time of its date, and was designed by its Author for insertion in our last Number: but our arrangements, then made, prevented its admission. ED.

IN WHICH ARE DISCUSSED AND ESTABLISHED THE POLICY, AS WELL AS THE LAW, REASON, AND EQUITY,

A LETTER, &c.

"SIR,

I HAVE been honored with a letter from Belfast, dated the 19th of July last, written in the name of the Committee of Correspondence appointed by the DELEGATES of 45 Volunteer Corps assembled at Lisburn on the 1st of the same month, for taking preparatory steps to forward their intentions on the subject of a more equal REPRESENTATION of the People in Parliament,' and signed by their Secretary, HENRY JOY, Jun. Esq.

"In this letter, after showing the corrupt state of the boroughs in Ireland, the general opinion of the people, that the constitution can be restored to its ancient purity and vigor by no other means than a PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, and informing me of the steps which have been taken and are taking by the Volunteers, in determining to procure this desirable object, the COMMITTEE is pleased to request my sentiments and advice as to the best, most eligible, and most practicable mode of destroying, restraining, or counteracting this hydra of Corruption, Borough-influence, in order to lay my opinion before the provincial assembly of Delegates which is to be held at DUNGANNON, on the 8th of September next.'

"This great mark of confidence from gentlemen in whom so much trust is placed does me great honor; for as I have not the pleasure of being personally known to any of them, I can owe it but to the favorable opinion they are pleased to entertain of my constant and zealous endeavors in the public service.

"I am sensible, that the only proper return I can make for this honorable distinction, is, to obey their commands in the best manner I am able; for although my insufficiency for so arduous a task would afford me but too good an excuse for declining it, yet I feel it would be inconsistent with my ideas of the obligation every man

is under to serve the public as well as he can, if I was to refuse giving my opinions, such as they are, when thus called on by a respectable body of gentlemen.

"Besides my inability, I have to regret the want of time to collect and arrange my thoughts in such a manner as to be fit to appear before you, and the necessary limits of a letter, which will not admit of the extensive investigation which a subject of this vast importance deserves; for although I fear I must be long, I am sensible I cannot do it justice.

"The subject of a PARLIAMENTARY REFORM is that which, of all others, in my opinion, most deserves the attention of the public, as I conceive IT WOULD INCLUDE EVERY OTHER ADVANTAGE WHICH A NATION CAN WISH; and I have no hesitation in saying, that from every consideration which I have been able to give to this great question, that for many years has occupied my mind, and from every day's experience to the present hour, I am more and more convinced, that the restoring the right of VOTING universally to EVERY MAN, not incapacitated by nature for want of reason, or by law for the commission of crimes, together with ANNUAL ELECTIONS, is the only Reform that can be EFFECTUAL and PERMANENT. I am further convinced, that IT

IS THE ONLY REFORM THAT IS PRACTICABLE.

"All other plans, that are of a palliative nature, have been found insufficient to interest and animate the great body of the people, from whose earnestness alone any reform can be expected. A long exclusion from any share in the legislature of their country has rendered the great mass of the people indifferent whether the monopoly that subsists continues in the hands of a more or less extended Company, or whether it is divided by them into shares of somewhat more or less just proportions. The public feels itself unconcerned in these contests, except as to the oppressions it endures, and the exactions it suffers, which it knows must continue so long as the people remain deprived of all control over their representatives. This indifference of theirs, when the last attempt was made for additional county members, was used by your opponents as an argument against all reform; it was asked with a triumphant air, where are the petitions from the inhabitants of Birmingham, Manchester, Halifax, and other great unrepresented towns? Their silence was deemed a proof of their acquiescence and satisfaction in the present form of elections. The truth is, that THE PEOPLE have been so often deceived, that they will now scarcely trust ANY SET OF MEN; and nothing but self-evident conviction, that a measure tends effectually to the recovery of their rights, can, or indeed ought to interest them in its favor.

The lesser reform has been attempted, with every possible

con

advantage in its favor; not only from the zealous support of the advocates for a more effectual one, but from the assistance of men of great weight both in and out of power. But, with all these temperaments and helps, it has failed. Not one proselyte has been gained from Corruption; nor has the least ray of hope been held out from any quarter, that the House of Commons was inclined to adopt any other mode of reform. The weight of Corruption has crushed this more gentle, as it would have defeated any more efficacious plan, in the same circumstances, From that quarter, therefore, I have nothing to hope, IT IS FROM THE PEOPLE AT LARGE THAT I EXPECT ANY GOOD. And I am vinced, that the only way to make them feel that they are really concerned in the business, is to contend for their FULL, CLEAR, and INDISPUTABLE RIGHTS of UNIVERSAL REPRESENTATION. I call them such, not only from my own conviction, but from the admission of the friends to the more moderate plan, who, in the Second Address of the Yorkshire Committee to the people, confess that our claims are founded on the true principles of the constitution, and only object to them on account of IMPRACTICABILITY. But their plan has now had a fair trial, and (if it is from the inclination of Parliament that PRACTICABILITY is to be expected) has been found as impracticable as ours. The more extensive plan, at the same time that its operation is more complete, depends on a more effectual support-that of the people.

"I am also persuaded, that if the scheme for additional Coun❤ ty Members had proceeded any further, infinite difficulties would have arisen in adjusting it. Neither the Yorkshire committee, nor Mr. Pitt, have the detail of their plan. A just reparation would have been a most intricate task; for where different interests are separately represented, the proportion is not very easy to ascertain. The doubt you state concerning this mode of reform appears to me well founded; a few great families might divide a county between them, and choose the members by a house-list, like East-India Directors. Another difficulty from the increase of the number of members, which might render the house more tumultuous than deliberative, has its weight. But the greatest objection, in my opinion, to this and every other narrow and contracted plan of reform, is, that it proceeds on the same bad principle as the abuse it pretends to rectify; it is still partial and unequal; a VAST MAJORITY of the community is still left unrepresented; and its most essential concerns, life, liberty, and property, continue in the absolute disposal of those whom they do not choose, and over whom they have no control. In the arrangements of plans of this kind, there is no leading principle to determine that the addition ought to be one hundred, fifty, or two hundred; that the allotment