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been lately presented to us, faintly images to the mind what the Greeks will undergo, for theirs will be universal, not partial, distress; and there are no sympathising fellow countrymen to relieve them.

Their wounded and their sick are already in the most pitiable state, for though they have many national physicians and surgeons, they are without medicines and surgical instruments, or the means of procuring them.

It is under these circumstances, and only in the event of the distress in Ireland being removed by the approaching potatoe crop, that I venture to suggest to the English public the propriety of a subscription for furnishing the Greek sufferers with food and medicines. I do not urge its being employed in the purchase of arms ; even if their exportation was legal, many persons might feel or affect reluctance to put them into the hands of men,


abuse as well as use them. But when I remember how severely, during the late war, the English minister was blamed for stopping the sale of medicines to France, I cannot suppose that we shall ever see an order in council prohibiting the purchase of corn for the starving, or the exportation of bark and lint for the sick and the wounded Greeks.

I can anticipate no objection to such a subscription. It does not compromise our government; it need not take any money out of the country, for the medicines and surgical instruments might be purchased in England, and the foreign corn bonded in our ports, and hanging in terrorem over our farmers, might be bought and transported to Greece. If opportunities offered, a part of this money might redeem Greek captives, and would even then return to England, by the back stream of commerce ; but I will not in- sult any reader, by supposing that he would grudge some thou

sands abstracted from our morbid abundance of capital, when a few shillings are at this moment sufficient to save a fellow-creature from dishonor and apostacy; from servitude embittered by pre, vious refinement and remembered happiness; from the loss of the dearest relatives, aggravated by the peculiarly domestic habits of Greek women and children. What is African slavery, when contrasted with such sorrows as these ? Where are the prior claims value. Half of these rents night be, at all events. annually employed for the same purpose as the accumulated diviilends. The relations are already provided for by the will

, and have now enjoyed, by the indulgence of Parliament, the rents and interest of the Captive Fund for just half a century; A sum of this magnitude to start with would at least remove the hackneyed objection to trifling subscriptions—.“ What will sosniall a sum do?" And as I cannot believe that t'ie English public will persist in refusing patriots that pecuniary aid which they showered on spots where it was far less wanted, it would form a sort of nucleus for a subscription.


on our purses? This nation' was said to be beggared, and it has just spared a quarter of a million in charity out of the income of the year. It is not likely that Providence will again inflict famine on Ireland, or that any unusual appeal will be made to our humanity, during the year to come. Where else will money tell so well in preventing misery? When will such an occasion recur? Next winter fixes the fate of Greece. By this day year our aid will be too late. The Greeks will no longer want it; they will be sure of success, or their skeletons, scattered over the country in whose defence they fell, will need neither food nor sympathy: The Catholic Pères de la Redemption spent their means and their lives in delivering captives, and we have not yet given a guinea. When we abolished the slave trade, we sacrificed Avarice and Prejudice at the altar of Mercy, and have not yet even talked of relieving the Greeks. Unless all feeling is paralysed, and numbness has crept over our souls, this disgraceful apathy must end; but it may last till we have earned disgrace, which regret will not wash away; and have given the foreigners, who envy and hate our pre-eminenee, the triumph of seeing all, that they calumniously, said of our mercantile selfishness, miraculously verified.

The cause of the Greeks is unconnected with the spirit of revolution in Europe. They are not fighting for a quantum of

!“ The Turks have not been an inundation that at last subsides, and fertilises what it had overwhelmed, but a fiery torrent that devours wherever it settles. They have not redeemed conquest by a Roman spirit of civilisation, and ihe Greeks have never lost that rigtit to rebel, which no power can abrogate, no compact annul, and 'no sophistry weaken; which neither the oppressor can destroy, nor the oppressed renounce, and which no length of submission can render obsolete, while Nature's own law declares Nullum tempus libertati occurrit."

I have not alluded to ancient Greece, because, -—“ Liberty in excess is poisonous, not healthful; and we must not confound splendor with happiness. Ancient Greece was fertile in great characters, for they ever swarm in times of turbulence and guilt. When we look through a vista of two thousand years upon long-past events, the horizon seems to beam with softened splendor; but could we retrograde to that period, we should rather writhe beneath intense heat, than gaze on brilliant light.

It is better to be a reader of Athenian history than a citizen of Athens; for the convulsions, which give history half its beauty and animation, shed misery on the life of man. The French Revolution is the only parallel to the wild and guilty career of all the Greek Republics; but the one was the paroxysm of a transient fever, the other a constitutional disease; the oue the delirium of a moment, the other the perverted feelings of an entire life.

Do we wish to see revived the social institutions of Lycurgus? To see a legislator :truggling to make man joyless and illiterate? To see life strip: ped of all its innocent enjoyments, and every power of the mind destroyed by a moral suicide? Were it desirable to revive the institutions of ancient Greece, it is no longer practicable ; since, in order to qualify the mass of citizens hy leisure and education to be their own governors, we must revive in its fullest exterit the system of domestic slavery."

political freedom, but for that national independence, which is become synonymous with individual existence.

They cannot now be subdued without being destroyed; and the question is, how soon the conflict shall end, and how many of either party shall survive it. I do not ask compassion, the active compassion not of words, but of money, because they are Greeks, or patriots, or Christians; but because they are men, menaced at once with slaughter, disease, and famine. Their antagonists have government to apply to, and countrymen who will relieve them; for, with all their errors, the doctrines of Mahomet render Mussulmans charitable towards each other. The Greeks have no earthly prospect of gratuitous and disinterested aid, but from the English public; for if we, to whom Providence has given the means, have lost, what we had, the taste for charity, where shall the unfortunate look for succor ?

Deputies are daily expected from Greece, and though they may fail of persuading our government to intercede in their favor, I trust their arrival will elicit some symptoms of interest which may encourage the Greeks in the pursuit of that freedom, which like the Swiss and the Dutch they must mainly owe to their own exertions.

I “If any one here can be severe on their foibles, when he gazes every day on the radiaut intellect, the various but concentrated beams, that sbice from every page of their fathers; when he hears every day that musical language which blends sweetness with variety of sound, exuberance with brevity, and comprehensiveness with precision ; I implore him by all their fathers have taught us, by the wrongs of ages, and the sufferings of millions, by the sickness of hope deferred or disappointed still, to pity rather than condemn: may I not amidst the splendid rites of worship around me, invoke even the name of Him, whose temples have been overthrown, and whose votaries have been slaughtered? May I not, in the very sauctuary of prayer, pray that the God of mercy may soon pity the wretched, the God of justice deliver the oppressed?"

To explain the allusions in this passage, I must add that it was part of a declamation, spoken in the October term of 1816, in the chapel of Trinity College, Cambridge. All the under-graduates in succession declaim” in pairs, on the opposite sides of a subject which is left to their choice. I am not silly enough to rest my argument on a declamation, necessarily rhetorical and exaggerated. I know that arguments should, like vines, be stripped of their foliage, till they are all stalk and fruit, and that a pamphlet especially must be a knotted stumpy crab cudgel, and I do not pretend to hit with these splints of lath decked with flowers; but many people like words worked into filagree better than when wrought into weapons, and prefer chased gold to hammered iron. Besides, I was perplexed with all the papers that have subsided at length into this little pamphlet, like tbe massive materials that melt into a pint of scientific soup, or the gigantic genii, who wound himself in wreaths of smoke into a bottle ; and I was glad to use materials ready hewii to my hand, at the risk of their looking like uld rubbish to fill chinks. Fearfully are they changed in these naked lines of pica, from what they looked in the shelteriog drapery of a manuscript's erasures and pothooks !

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MY LORD, Having your Lordship’s permission to address you on the subject of British Seamen, I shall take a slight review of our Marine, since the commencement of the war, in 1793, to this time. I shall also try to fix your attention on the means of our retaining our rank of first maritime power; to which purpose it will be necessary to render ourselves equal to at least half, or three-fourths, of the maritime powers united : and the experience of the late American war must have convinced even those unacquainted with nautical affairs, that there is but one means of maintaining a decided superiority, and that is to have always a sufficient number of regularly bred seamen.

In 1793 we had the greatest number of regularly bred seamen we ever possessed, arising from a peace of ten years a time almost requisite to form able seamen; at least it will be universally admitted that seven years are necessary for that purpose ; and a much longer experience is indispensable to the formation of offi

At that time the fleets of our enemies were manned with many regularly bred seamen: also the first actions of the war were generally well contested by our enemies; but it was at that period when our ships were so well manned that our decided superiority became conspicuous, particularly after the victory of Nelson. The loss they sustained in seamen in that memorable engagement, combined with preceding defeats, destroyed the confidence of their men, and with it their pretensions to maritime power. But we must also date from that period the inattention to procure good seamen, arising from excess of security which was displayed in our own navy, with progressive effect, till the commencement of the American war, as well as the consequent disregard to the merchant service, both as to ships and men.


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