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'urging our countrymen to review she additions made to the dominions and power of France during the last campaign. Not only the ministerial, but some of the opposition leaders, (the hon. Mr. LAMBE in particular,) encourage us to persevere in the war, and seriously hint that the war has lagged on the part of France;" and yet during the last campaign, HOLLAND, those important commercial depots termed the HANS TOWNS, and the whole ter. ritory, situated between the Ems, and the Elbe have been formally annexed to France, and our ministers have formally denounced the inhabitants of these countries as enemies : Sweden lias elected a French general for the heir to the throne : the conquest of SPAIN and PORTUGAL is nearly completed! What rational prospect can any impartial, thinking man entertain of the affairs of the continent being ameliorated, by sacrificing an additional army of 30, or 40,000 men, and squandering another fifty millions of money? Negociation for peace is our first, our most imperious duty, equally demanded by our safety and our interest, yes, and by our honour too; for as the close of every campaign has placed France on higher ground than the close of the preceding, so, if we are not much mistaken, the ensuing campaign will terminate in a manner equally unfortunate. The state of our commerce, of our paper circulation, our increasingly oppressive taxation, the state of IRELAND,--all loudly demand PEACE; and the experience of the last campaign affords an additional illustration of the melancholy truth we have so repeatedly urged on the attention of our countrymen,--That all attempts on the part of this country to abridge by force of arms the power and the influence of France on the continent, will most assuredly end in their increase !To this repeated assertion, we now beg leave to add our firm persuasion, that, however, loudly our war-loving statesmen may talk of our national honour and interest, both of which they have during the past thirty years so repeatedly sacrificed, it is possible, if not probable, that we may now, be able to make peace on better terins than at the close of another campaign. The experiment at all events ought to be tried : if unsuccessful, it might have this happy result:—The odium of persevering in an unjust war, and of refusing to allend to reasonable terms of peace, would be shifted from the shoulders of our rulers to those of NAPOLEON.

“ The capture of the isles of Bourbon, and of Amboyna,” announced in the speech, and to which have been since added, the capture of the isle of France, may be urged by a few state simple. tons, as arguments for our perseverance in the war. That these, conquests may be attended with certain temporary advantages, we are by no means disposed to deny; but the principal use a wise statesman would make of them would be to throw them as weighits

in the scale of negociation, and by this means procure better termos of peace, than we could otherwise expect: but of what use are these conquests towards effecting the grand object of the war, THE DELIVERANCE OF EUROPE? Let the framers of the treaty of Amiens answer the question: almost the whole of our foreign conquests were given up, as the price of peace; every object for the attainment of which so much blood had been shed, and so much treasure lavished was relinquished; our allies were ruined, and the enemy left in possession of his enormously extended dominious. As that sage, pure, Pittite statesman, Lord LIVERPOOL observed, when apologising for the treaty ;-" That it was for the interest of Britain to restore to France her colonies," we doubt not but the same argument will be repeated, should his lordship be employed as one of the manufacturers of the next treaty. Is it possible therefore that our countrymen can be deluded to carry on the war for the sake of foreign colonies ? If this were uvhappily to prove the case, and those we have obtained, should be the means of prolonging the war for one twelvemonth, we should have no scruple in terming all such conquests,-pot a blessing, but a CURSE!

ADDRESS OF THE CITY OF LONDON TO THE PRINCE REGENT, - The admirable address of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Common Council of the City of LONDON presented to the Prince Regent, may be considered as a sort of model for addresses on this occasion. If there is any omission it is on the subject of the war; we earnestly wish, for the reasons we have already stated, that our countrymen were duly impressed with a sense of the danger of persevering in a worse than fruitless contest; and that all petitions for reform, and a redress of grievances were enforced by allusions to the war, and by urging the absolute necessity of proposing negociations for peace. The city petition has conveyed truths of the first importance to the ear of the Prince Regent; and has indeed described, in concise, but energetic terms, the character of the present ministers. May our countrymen throughout the kingdom follow the example of the citizens of London: to borrow their language:-“ Duty to our sovereign; duty to our country: the ex« ample of our forefathers; justice to posterity; the fame and « safety of the kingdom; all with voice imperious, forbid us to " disguise our thoughts and smother our feelings. . . . It is of ge“ neral grievances, grievances sorely felt in all ranks of life; of ac“cumulated and ever accumulating taxation, rendered doubly grie« vous by the oppressive mode of exaction; of the increased and " increasing distress and misery therefrom arising; of the improvi* dent expenditure of the immense sums thus wrung from industry " and labour; of the waste of life, and of treasure in ill contrived “and ill conducted expeditions; of the attempts, which for many " years past, and especially within the last three years, have been “made, and, with but too much success to crush public liberty in “ all its branches, and especially the liberty of freely discussing the " conduct of public men, and the nature and tendency of public “ measures.”—The “ CRIMINAL DECEPTION upon the parliament " and the people, respecting his Majesty's incapacity," as carried on a few years since, is most properly reprobated ; and that “great “grievance—so prominent in the odiousness of its nature, as well “as in the magnitude of its mischievous consequences—the present representation in the common's house of parliament,” is marked as a “ particular object of complaint, and of his royal highness's "virtuous abhorrence !" the reform of which is represented as absolutely necessary “ for the safety of the crown, the happiness “ of the people, and the peace and independence of the country.”

We earnestly hope that the citizens of London are correct in their statement of “ his royal highness's abhorrence of the present “corrupt state of our representation;" but we wish they had received an answer somewhat more satisfactory. To talk of the " state of unrivalled prosperity and happiness," which the people of this country now enjoy, and referring to the “ disposition, and " the example of his royal father, corresponding with his own dis"position to listen to the complaints of those who may think them. “ selves aggrieved,” is holding out but slender hopes of redress. If we are in possession of “ unrivalled prosperity and happiness," we have scarcely a right to complain of grievances. We know little of the “ disposition of the Regent's royal father" on this important subject; what the people have a right to judge of is, “ the “ disposition of his servants;" and if “ their example” is to be held up for imitation, all we can say is—that so far from having “ shewn the least disposition to listen to the complaints of those “ who may think themselves aggrieved," the whole course of their administration proves the truth of the statements in the address, that our grievances have by them been accumulated in a mauner. scarcely to be endured by a suffering, an oppressed, but a loyal people. We must therefore consider the answer of the Prince Regent, as conveying the sentiments of ministers rather than his own. This awkward situation of our national affairs cannot well last much longer. If the bulletins issued for nearly a month past by the royal physicians are not deeeptions, the period of his Majesty's restoration to his usual health, cannot be far distant. Every day we are assured “ his Majesty is in a state of amendment, going “ on very favourably." The Prince Regent therefore may deem it advisable not to encourage bopes which he probably will not be

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able to realize ; but we beg leave to observe, that such a confused state of affairs cannot be patiently endured. Every other consideration must at length give way, and be swallowed up in that of the last importance, the salvation of the British empire, which cannot be effected but by an entire change of system, and a radical reform in the departments of government in general, and in the representative branch in particular.

REPORTED CHANGE OF MINISTERS. During the late discussions on the Regency, reports were very prevalent respecting a change of ministers; and it appears by the Prince Regent's letter to Mr. Perceval, that such reports were not without foundation; and that it was the idea of his Majesty's recovery shortly taking place which alone determined his royal highness not to remove the present cabinet. There were two noblemen talked of as the head and representative of two administrations, whose opinions are somewhat of a different description-Lord HOLLAND and Lord GRENVILLE. The friends of PEACE and REFORM had some hopes of the nation, when they heard that Mr. WHITBREAD was to be associated with the former; and the very report gave alarm, more particularly to the secretary of the admi. ralty, Mr. CROKER, as that gentleman acknowledged in a late debate, as well as to the friends of war and abuses in general. Mr. Whitbread on accouut of his virtuous independence, constitu. tional opinions, firmness and consistency in the cause of civil and religious liberty, bis pacific sentiments, and bis zeal for reform, has Dot hitherto been deemed a very proper associate for any administration: bis ample fortune has rendered him superior to those temptations which prove rather too powerful for the virtue and independence of certain hon. gentlemen who by the description they give of theinselves, may be considered as a species of needy adventurers.*

* In a debate in the house of Commons, on Mr. Curwen's bill, respecting the sale of seats in parliament, Lord PORCHESTER in defending Sir -F. BURDETT, made some remarks “ on the suspicious conduct of leading " men on different sides of the house." These remarks called up Mr. TIErney, who observed—“That he believed from his soul, that it was the ! wish of the hon. baronet and his friends not to have many supporters in ai that house, lest their designs should fail, and the public begin to think s too favourably of the house .!" After pouring forth a torrent of abuse against the friends to a reform of parliament, who had lately assembled at the Crown and Anchor, declaring amongst other falsehoods" That it was “their plan to raise a cry by wbich the infatuated people might be hurried " to their ruin, by hinting at corruptions which never had existence, and " raising expectations which never could be gratified,he proceeded to charge the hon. baronet with “ calumniating his character," and offered an apology for his own conduct, which together with his language already quoted, ought to be more particularly recollected at a time when the right hon, gentleman, it is pretty well understood, is eagerly looking up to some place under a new administration. “ It is true," said Mr. T. “ The worthy “baronet, who had never warded off any real danger, but who had fluttered " about during his public life, a political sea gull, screaming and spluttering about foul weather which never arrived !-It is true the worthy “ baronet had never been troubled with office : perhaps his own iminense “ fortune might have exempted him from its cares, or perliaps he had never “ been importuned on the subject. Certainly he, Mr. T. had been in “ office, FOR HE HAD NOT SUCH A FORTUNE AS COULD SUPPORT HIM IN“ DEPENDENTLY OUT OF IT !" (See Pol. Rev. Vol. VI. p. 6.) It is a pity, that, after this modest avowal of his views in getting into office, the right hon. gentleman did not inform the house, who so charitably supported him out of office!

Had Lord Holland and Mr. Whitbread been consulted on the for: mation of an administration, that grand measure a REFORM OF PARLIAMENT must have constituted the foundation principle of their plan. The opinions of the hon. gentleman, and which he has uniformly maintained, and warmly supported during the whole of his public career, are too well known to need a repetition. The subject of parliamentary reform not having been so frequently introduced in the house of Lords as in the house of Commons, Lord Holland has had less frequent opportunities of delivering his sentiments; but he has sufficiently pledged himself, and his pledge has never been forfeited, like that of so many public men; and we trust it never will be. As bis lordship, it has been reported, has of late enjoyed much of the confidence of the Prince Regent, it will we trust afford pleasure to our readers to recollect his sentiments on this important subject. In a debate in the house of Lords, June 26, 1807, alluding to some circumstances atfending the dissolution of the late parliament, bis lordship remarked as follows:-“ Minis“ ters have the supplies in their hands, from the nature of the taxes; " and if they can appropriate them without coming to parliament, “ what security have we that parliaments will be assembled at all ? “ My lords, these daily growing infringements of the constitution, “ demand our most serious and earnest attention. I who think the influence of the crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to 2 be diminished, am a friend to frequent appeals to the people, but not by means of dissolution. Let parliaments instead of sep. “ TENNIAL, be TRIENNIAL, or I would not object to their being “ANNUAL; let there be stated earlier periods for a recurrence to “the sense of the people, but let not parliaments be threatened. “ with dissolution." With these opinions his lordship cannot coiisent to be the head of, or even to take a seat in, a cabinet, where that important branch of parliamentary regeneration, a restoration

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