proportion to the degree of its convulsion, and expenditure of its constitutional force, will be the necessity for, and duration of, subsequent repose. As to the continental powers, so exhausted were they in general, and reduced by the war, that peace became not only an object of their most ardent wish, but absolutely indispensable-so that, perhaps, it would not be too much to say, that it will require half a century, at least, to repair the wreck they have sustained!

"It must also strike every intelligent observer of public affairs, that the continental powers, from the numerous and extensive partitions, and choppings and changings of properties, which have taken place, will require no small portion of time for regulating, managing and conciliating their new subjects and possessions. Intent on these and other matters of internal moment, after their long and sanguinary scene of hostile devastation, no new rupture among them can now be rationally looked for to disturb the tranquillity of Europe. But even supposing that a misunderstanding was to occur, Britain is now so detached (and happy will it be ultimately for her) from continental connexions, as to have no real interest in the contest!

“But a more important question is--how stands Britain's security, on the ground of peace, with her neighbour France, since the establishment of the new Gallic government, and Herculean increase of her strength? The answer is plainwhatever be the increase of power France hath attained, it is not of that description which can make an impression on our "Sea-girt isle." In truth, France, with all her addition of territorial power, has been considerably curtailed of that force by which she could only dare to assail the impregnable cliffs of Albion. The battle of the Nile affords an immortal illustration in proof-and

FOL. IX.

which is by no means a solitary one, of distinguished capture, in the glo rious catalogue of England's naval victories, throughout the last war.

"In regard to the new government of France, it would be no difficult task to shew, did the design and limits of this little work admit, that it is far more likely to maintain the accustomed relations of amity and peace" with this country, than was experienced under her ancient regime. I have not the least wish to discuss

whether her former or present system of government is most suitable to the genius of Frenchmen. This is a matter which, strictly speaking, belongs solely to themselves. I shall but remark, from historical notoriety, that for the last two hundred years, England enjoyed but very few extended intervals of peace with France under her former rulers.

"Under her present sway, and great increase of empire-too extensive for herself, perhaps, in sound policy-neither the same motives for hostility with us exist, nor can exist. Her ancient governments were continually restless-a disposition generating war, yet without any ultimate attainment of their ambitious views. But the ambition of her cons sular system of rule seems to have reached, to all human appearance, the summit of her aim. But were this not the case, England - would still derive no mean security of a durable peace from the acknowledged soundness of understanding in the First Consul.-Bonaparte is too wise, too great a politician, to risk, by a new conflict with us, the withering of those laurels, which so bloom and brighten on his brow. The events of Egypt and its shores are sufficient to shew this modern Alexander, that Britons can conquer armies pronounced invincible.

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But that the inclinations and intentions of this wonderful man are cordially pacific, can be doubted only by those who are blind to every thing

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that is passing under his government! Scarcely was he arrayed in the consular robe, when he made an overture to us of the olive branch—sagaciously judging, that one principal means of securing himself in the seat of his high elevation was to sheathe the sword, as soon as possible, with the British nation. The overture was deemed premature by our ministry, on the ground that some time was requisite to evince his power of maintaining the accustomed relations of peace and amity. And when are considered, indeed, the antecedent rapid successions of partizans, strug gling for the Gallic helm, during the revolutionary contest, such a precaution, on the part of our government, can neither in candour nor reason be deemed impolitic or unwise. "But Bonaparte's subsequent conduct towards this country, places the sincerity of his wishes that France should be, and remain in peace with us, beyond all doubt and cavil; for when he had still more extended his Continental conquests, and reached to power truly gigantic, and' concentered it all around him-in short, when he fully evinced to the world that he was capable of maintaining all the accustomed relations of amity and peace, not only with England, but with every other nation, he still manifested, not merely by professions, but in acts, a considerable anxiety to be in friendship with Britain. This conduct, after the seeming slight of his first overture above intimated, redounded no less to his honour, than to his wisdom and policy. Negocia tions were set on foot-the first consul still shewed every cordiality to embrace the olive branch-and peace was at length proclaimed. That it will be durable, can be doubted by no man, who weighs but even a small part of the numerous important interests which forcibly and mutually operate to bind in close friendship the two nations.

"Under a prospect, then, so in

disputably fair and promising of a long enjoyment of the blessings of PEACE-a prospect, in which the keenest eye may be challenged to point out even a remote shade of warfare, what an increase of vigour ought our public funds to experience and manifest! The sense of a uni-` versal reign of tranquillity, and the moral certainty of a long absence of war, cannot but speedily operate with its full force. In spite of every cloud which artifice can raise to obstruct the power of its beams, the sunshine of peace must immediately prevail, and with such influence, as to give that lustre to public credit, which it has been ever wont to display in times, more particularly, of general pacification.

"In a word-every individual who has property, whether in land, in the funds, or any other channel, must feel an increased confidence of its security, from that bright and extended scene of tranquillity which now pervades the universe: and if to this confidence each possessor of a funded or any other property, would add an equal share of pru dence and resolution not to suffer the machinations of schemers to lessen, in his own estimation, the value of it, the public would but seldom hear of depressions of the funds without an adequate cause."

The author then proceeds to consider the state of our revenue, commerce, and manufacturers, from which he with additional confidence assures us of the stability of the public funds. Towards the close of the pamphlet, he presents the fol lowing picture to his brother stock holders.

"It may be particularly asked, how will the public be supplied with stock for their daily purchases? for the public are, in general, all buyers. In short, the holders of omnium, if they estimate as they ought to do, the real consequence of their stock, they will discover

that they are in possession of a golden mine. A prudent firmness is as necessary and politic at the present moment, as obstinacy may be indiscreet at another. Let them act with a manly respect towards their valuable property, and I prophecy that ominium will yet fetch a premium of 10 per cent.

"There is an advantageous article, attaching to the present omnium which seems to be little understood by the public; or it surely would have been long since bought up, as in a special manner it suits minors -it is the deferred stock. It's interest commences in January 1808 -that is, in five years from next January. This can be bought at 55 or 6-and would produce, in the first instance, about 5 per cent interest. But that is not all-it has every prospect of being worth 100l. at the above period; for that consols will be long before then, at par, requires no great insight into futurity to augur!"

Such was the Pisgah view of the funds held up to our stock holders. in 1802; but how soon alas! was the whole overclouded. Before six months had expired Mr. Addington took it into his head to be a war minister; and not being able to find out a just cause of war, madly rushed into it by breaking the treaty of Amiens. The consequences have been an eight years contest; and how much longer we may continue in this horrid state God only knows, If, however, I am not much mistaken, our rejoicings at our victories, as they are called, in Portugal and Spain, and the predictions of our ministers of the happy result-the Deliverance of Europe, will a few years hence, appear as surprising, and were it not for the waste of blood and treasure, as amusing, as the rejoicings and predictions of Mr. Simeon Pope!

June 14.

PACIFICUS.

Remarks on the Resolutions passed at a General Meeting of Protestant Dissenters and other Friends to Religious Liberty in London, May 24, 1811. In a Letter to Samuel Mills, Esq. Chairman of the Meeting. By a Country Dissenter. Is. Jones, and Eaton.

Amongst various Resolutions passed at the late Meeting of Protestant Dissenters and other Friends to Toleration, on the rejection of a Bill which of itself will be sufficient to hand the fame of Lord Sidmouth down to posterity, were two; the one for establishing a society for protection of the Rights of Dissenters, the other for soliciting contributions from the Dissenting Congregations throughout the kingdom towards defraying past expences,

and the establishment of the proposed society. The Country Dissenter, presuming that the society will be formed, principally, of persons who passed the said Resolutions, and that to them will be entrusted the management of the civil and religious rights of Dissenters, has thought it necessary to remark on their recent proceedings, and to suggest his opinion as to what ought to be the principal objects to be pursued by the proposed society.

The author, after reverting to that indifference which it has been suspected the Dissenters, by their conduct, have long shewn to the interests of civil liberty, and that this indifference would be followed by a comparative indifference to religious liberty, expresses his hopes that

tion on the continent, let not Britain be her assylum or her resting place. and religious freedom is the duty of "That activity in the cause of civil every subject, but particularly of every christian, is a principle you readily admit, or you could not justify your present activity. The present time is auspicious for the attempt to enlarge our religious liberty till it shall be complete, and therefore it ought not to be neglec ted. This first position admitted, I proceed to define what is meant by civil and religious freedom and perfect tolera

My intention however in this address is not to cast reproaches for any thing that I may judge to have been wrong in the past conduct of you my brethren, but if possible by pointing out what I consider to have been erroneous, to prevent a recurrence of the same conduct. To act on the defensive only while the enemy hardly discouraged, intimates his intention of renewing his attack is upworthy the character of christians, unlike the examples set us by the apostles, and the first christians; they feared not agitating the public mind in the cause of truth and freedom; they even reproved with boldness the rulers of their times in a manner that would perhaps subject you to the charge of sedition, and the obloquy and reproaches of your more courteous, and I fear I may add obsequious brethren. Imitate then their noble example, their dignified conduct; throw aside not only all doctrinal and "ritual distinctions," but all party politics and prejudices; unite in promoting the enlargement of your religious liberties, as the only means of quieting that disturbed spirit of intolerance which is making I trust, its last efforts against you. While she is flying in every direc

nor can I do it better than

in the words of your second resolution,— "To worship God according to indivi "dual judgment, and that without pu "nishment, restraint, or deprivation of (4 any kind."-The toleration act it is true grants us much liberty for which we have to be thankful; released us from the fines and penalties of the act of uniformity, and was given by King William the sectaries, in driving from the throne as a grateful return for the services of uniting their efforts in establishing the the despotic race of the Stewarts, and house of Brunswick on the throne of these realms.It was peculiarly grateful to the hearts of Britons, and a great reward considering it was given at a time when the continent was bound fast by the fetters of religious intolerance; when Spain made converts by gibbets, racks and tortures; when her inquisitions were shedding the blood of protestant hereties; when France was revoking her edicts of Nants, which gave the protes tants liberty, and by this revocation banished from her realm upwards of eight hundred thousand of her best subjects. Doubtless the Toleration Act was a great boon under these circumstances, and at this time; but is it to be considered so now? When Spanish inquisitions are happily falling, when an auto da fe is no more heard of; when the despots of the continent have given their subjects toleration, so far as to release them from every pain, penalty or disability on account of their religions opinions, is Eugland to be the only kingdom in Europe where the sectaries are subject to the penalties of Test and Corporation Acts, and many other acts yet unrepealed ;-is this the time for religious liberty to be stationary in England, when it is advancing with such ra pid strides in every part of civilized En

rope; and are the protestant dissenters who have formerly been such active friends in the cause of religious freedom to be quiescent in her present state of staguation, while her principles are marching through the rest of the civilized world? Shall the Committee for couducting the affairs of protestant dissenters he content that we are not going backward? We doubtss rejoice at the defeat of intolerance, though it should be personited in one of the weakest peers of the realm; but is this to be considered the cause of so much triumph and exultation; is it for this that the whole body of dissenters are to be organized, and contributions reques

be

ted with earnestness; that we are to have so many remaining acts of parlia ment hanging over our heads? - The defeat of Lord Sidmouth, though agreeable, is but a sort of negative success, ill suited to the times in which we live; and if the committee can exult it may reasonably suspected that all is not right with you; that either you have not laid aside" all doctrinal and ritual distinc❝tions," or that the majority have by their chilling resolutions of the 25th of May, been endeavouring to serve' political purposes. I must be allowed therefore to remark on this second set of resolutions for the purpose of ascertaining whether you are under the present circumstances, actuated by the fear of agitating the public mind, or are contented with the inferior station the sectaries of this realm are placed in, and which, when compared with the sectaries under the despotic governments on the continent, proves we are a full century behind the subjects of those go

vernments.

"It will much depend on the result of this enquiry, whether the dissenters in this country can unite and entrust the management of their affairs into your hands; if you are actuated by timidity or a love of ease under the guise of prudence, when courage and promptitude of conduct should mark your proceedings, you must sink again into comparative insignificance: if on the other hand, you can really "lay aside all doctrinal and ritual distinctions," and meet your opponents at the door of the legisture, and ask-for what? for a repeal of the whole of the penal statutes against every description of dissenters; for as much religious liberty as the subjects of despotic governments now enjoy: and

is this too much for the subjects of a government boasting of its freedom and liberality to ask, or is it more than such a government ought to grant? If you have no such views, our encouraging a committee to regulate our affairs in town is only giving up in some measure the liberty we enjoy of conducting our own affairs, in the way which seems best by each separate and individual congregation, and in some measure cousent to be directed by a committee or synod, in whom from the last resolutions we bave lost some degree of confidence."

The object held up to the proposed solution, which speaks of the revival society as expressed in the 4th Reof " the intolerant provisions of the "Conventicle Act in Berkshire, and "the outrages committed in Kent "and Suffolk," is considered by the writer as frivolous, and rather tending to increase thau to diminish the evil complained of, as he apprehends that "when a fund shall be raised sufficiently ample to pay for such pleadings, we shall have law enough, and five hundred new con"structions of the Conventicle and "Toleration Acts." The 8th and

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9th Resolutions he considers as justifying his suspicions that the committee is endeavouring to obtain "liberty for themselves, and that "the extent of their toleration is for (6 persons of their own cast."

The Resolution of thanks to Mr. Perceval is reprobated in the following terms:

"The 8th resolution votes thanks to Mr. Perceval for the polite attention with which he attended to the repre'sentations of their committee, and to every member of his Majesty's government for withholding from the bill their 'important support.”—What politeness has been shewn by Mr. Perceval that has not been shewn by every prime minister, we are not informed, and therefore cannot argue from these private and unknown communications; but I have not seen through the medium of the public prints any thing in his Majesty's government that expressed their disapprobation of Lord Sidmouth's bill. Lord Liverpool it is true spoke of the expediency of withdrawing the bill, from the