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readers, leaving them to form their - Its height in guineas, supposing own conclusions:
20 guineas in thickness an inch, Let a crown piece be considered would be 610 miles, 339 yards, 9 as worth '55. A dollar or bank to- inches; and supposing each guinea ken is 1-12th less in weight than a an inch in diameter, they would excrown; therefore, if the silver in tend in a right line 12,203 miles, each is of equal quality, the value 150 yards, 7 inches. Moreover, the of a dollar must be 46. 7d.
said guineas would cover 348 acres, Silver may be exchanged for pa. 2 roods, 202 yards, nearly.-And per at the rate of four dollars for 22s. lastly, in shillings, each an inch in
Then, 100 crowns, or 251. in diameter, would cover 7319 acres, crowns, are worth 109 dollars and 1 rood, 349 yards!! 5d. which dollars may be exchange Independence !--Mr. Chs. Yorke's ed for paper to the amount of 291. clearing system has not been con19s. Ild.
fined to the gallery of the house of In other words: by exchanging Commons. Not considering him. crowns for dollars, and those dollars self sufficiently rewarded for his for bank notes, 24s. 3d. in paper meritorious services in being made money may be had for four crowns, first lord of the admiralty and a teller or one pound.
of the exchequer, from the first of Twenty shillings are barely equal which he gets 30001. a year, and in weight to three dollars, worth as from the latter 27001.; he has conabove 13s. Id.
.. tinued his system by clearing a way Then, as many shillings as are for his brother, Sir Joseph Yorke, worth 13s. Id. in dollars, will ex- whom he has made a lord of the change for 20s. in paper money. admiralty, with 15001. a year; and
What would have been the diffe- his half brother, Mr. Manningham, rence to the public if the Bank of a deputy teller of the exchequer, England had lowered one pound with a salary of 1000l. a year.notes to 18s. instead of raising four Even the man who hissed his oppodollars to 22s.?
nent at the last election has been A one pound note and 2s. would provided with a place.-Yet this in that case have exchanged for right hon. gentleman could talk of four dollars, as they do now. his independence !
Singular Calculation. -- The na- King's Friends.--The present set tional debt, funded and unfunded, of ministers are eternally telling the on the 5th of January, 1810, was people that they alone are the King's 811,898,0811. which are equal to friends : “ as if," says a celebrated 773,236,207 gs. which at 5 dwts. writer, “ the body of the people were 8 grains each guinea, weigh 6312 the King's enemies; or as if his Natons, 11 cwt. 3 qrs. 5 lbs. 1 oz. 6 jesty looked for a resource of consodrs. nearly avoirdupoise.—Now, sup- lation in the attachment of a few faposing a waggon and 5 horses to vourites against the general conextend in length 20 yards, and to, tempt and detestation of his subcarry 2 tons of the said guineas, jects.” Such a body is well dethe number of teams necessary to scribed by Davenant:-- “ An ignocarry the whule would extend in “rant, mercenary, and servile crew; length 28 miles, 23 yards, nearly. “ unanimous in evil, diligent in mis- To count the debt in shillings, at “chief, variable in principles, CORthe rate of 30 shillings in a minute, “stant to flattery, talkers for liberty, for 10 hours a day, and six days in “but slaves to power-styling thema week, would take 2469 years, 306 « selves the court party, and the days, 17 hours, 30 minutes, nearly. “ prince's only friends."
(B. Flower, Printer, Harlow.]
The Catholic Clvims. In our last we congratulated our readers, and the friends of religious liberty throughout the nation, on the check which had been given to intolerance by the rejection of Lord Sidmouth's bill, by which the sacred rights of protestant dissenters were so far happily preserved. Still more happy would it have been for the interests of freedom, both civil and religious, and for the interests of the empire at large, had the opinions so generally expressed and acted upon in the house of Lords on that occasion, proved the omen of their being shortly adopted on another important occasion, in which the civil and religious rights, not only of numbers of the people of Britain, but the great majority of the people of Ireland are most materially affected, and which indeed involves the welfare, if not the existence of that part of the empire.
The rejection of the petitions of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, . and the refusal of both houses of parliament, even to enquire into
the justice of their claims, has unhappily proved that our ministers are resolved not to restore those rights whịch that long oppressed and insulted body of people have so repeatedly, and peaceably demanded, and which national justice and policy equally demand for them. In the house of Commons, on Mr. Grattan's motion for referring the catholic petitions to the consideration of a committee of the whole house, the numbers were-For the motion 83– Against it 146–Majority against it 63. In the house of Lords On a similar motion made by Lord Donoughmore, the numbers were-For the motion, 62--Against it 121-Majority against it 59.
After the frequent discussions which have taken place on this important subject, little that is new can be expected. The same arguments were enforced in the same strain of eloquence in both houses, by the champions of toleration, as on former occasions ; and the same repeatedly refuted assertions of that infuriated bigot, Dr. Duigenan, who still fiercely maintains that the catholics of the
present day níust maintain all the errors and the spirit of their an cestors thirée centuries since,--the same assertions received the same satisfactory answer, which on former occasions convinced every inpartial person in the possession of common sense of their utter fallacy.
There is one general remark which we have made on other important subjects, and more especially on that of Parliamentary Reform, which we bey leave to repeat on this occasion,-and which we request our readers to bear in remembrance, long after we have ceased from our labours--namely,—That it is at all times the imperious duty of our legislative bodies to inquire into the subject of national grievances, and more especially when numerous and respectable bodies of men constitutionally urge them on their consideration ; that when the representatives of the people obstinately refuse even to idquire on the subject, it is strong presumptive evidence that the cause of the petitioners is just ; and that the apprehension of their claims being well founded, and well supported, is the grand reason why cabinets, and legislators, who are insensible to every argument but what is connected with their own ambitious, or selfish purposes, dread all inquiry on the subject.
It is impossible to account for the most absurd pretences which have been so repeatedly urged against inquiring into the state of our representation, or into the justice and policy of the catholic claims on any other principle. The supporters of things as they are, in all situations and all circumstances, affect to dread even going into committees, in which both houses are to be witnesses and judges of the whole proceedings, lest some rash unguarded innovator should go too far in his suggestions or plans. This pretence might have some shadow of excuse to support it, were the matter in discussion to be finally settled, and passed into a law, on the recommendation of such committees. But, although there is no great danger of a committee of the whole house, of either Lords or Commons agreeing to any dangerous project for overturning the existing government, it ought never to be forgotten, that such committees can only suggest plans, which plans with the whole of the evidence on which they are formed must be submitted to the consideration of the legislature. A bill must be introduced, discussed, and read three times in each house, and receive the royal assent before it can be passed into a law. We accordingly fiud committees after long and laborious investigations presenting their reports; those reports are of course taken into consideration; but how frequently are the recommendations and plans therein contained, opposed and frustrated, and all investigation rendered fruit. less! How many of the reports respecting abuses in the various departments. of government, the gross misconduct of public men,
may be ievances Pretence both holery
the state of our bullion and paper circulation have proved nugatory, owing to the all commanding majorities of ministers in both houses of parliament! How pitiful therefore is the pretence for refusing inquiry on the subject of national grievances - That perhaps some innovator may propose what may be of dangerous tendency! A man must be very weak, or very depraved before he can possibly urge such pretence; and we may be sure that the real motive for refusing inquiry must be, that the evidence would by no means correspond with the views of those who have ends to gratify, which although obvious to themselves, as well as to all around them, they are ashamed to avow.
Honest impartial men would at all times, so far from apposing, be ready to court inquiry. Were they conscious the complaints of the petitioners were groundless, they would be anxious to prove them so to the world. Let the opposers of parliamentary reform, and of the Catholic claims go into an inquiry, and if they can supa! port their respective assertions, that the complainants have no ground for their allegations, let them confidently proclaim to the world,—That after the most ample and impartial investigation, the committees are firmly of opinion-Our representation wants No reform, and that the numerous and reiterated complaints of the catholics are imaginary!
That the Roman catholics have the earnest wish that the justice. of their claims should be thoroughly examined, before the prayer of their petitions is granted, is evident, by the conduct of their firm, aud consistent advocate, Lord DONOUGHMORE, who in bis late excellent, and eloquent speech on the subject observed as follows:-in « On behalf of the petitioners, he only claimed the justice of
so being permitted to prove the merits of their case. The opportu. htunity of rebutting those false and cruel aspersions, by which Fr their religion and they, as the professors of it, had been uncea"singly assailed; the opportunity of challenging their calumniators “ to come forth and shew in what manner they bad sinned against “ Their common country, by what transgressions of theirs they had “ deserved that condition of restraint and degradation, under which " they still continued to suffer. Consistently with the unity of the “ catholic church, under one and the same spiritual head, its great “ land-mark and distinguishing characteristic, and which they could “ never cease to uphold uptil they should have renounced ihe reli“ gion of their forefathers, there was 10 sacrifice which they were “ not prepared to make, to conciliate the esteem and the affectiops “ of their protestant fellow subjects. The sum and substance of “ bis humble but earnest solicitation to their lordships, on behalf “ of his petitioning and aggrieved countrymen, was only this; that
" they would not pronounce against them the hard sentence of “ perpetual exclusion, from a just and equal participation in all “ the rights and privileges of the constitution, as disaffected mem- . “ bers of the state, without the decent formality of some previous “ investigation--that they would not dismiss them from their bar “ discredited—and condemned unheard."
This most reasonable request has for a fifth time since the present, ministers came into office been refused, and there does not seem any probability that during their continuance, the petitioners will be successful. It is scarcely possible to give credit to the enemies of toleration, when they affect to deprecate catholic emancipation as dangerous to the constitution. The heads of some people seem filled with dreams, least the catholic priests should seize the tythes as well as other church property, and the laity engross the principal offices of the state. This alarm is soniewhat similar to that which took place 20 years since, when it was moved in the house of Commons, for the house to go into a committee, for the consideration of a repeal of the test and CORPORATION acts. Any person unacquaioted with the merits of the question might be led to imagine, that every motion for the consideration of the claims of the peti tioners for the removal of penal laws, implied the immediate filling the principal offices in church and state, with the heads of the ag. grieved parties. Do the friends of intolerance forget, that it is po part of the plan of any class of petitioners for the restoration of ibeir religious rights, to circumscribe in the least degree, the exer: cise of the royal prerogative? On the contrary, the removal of the disqualifying laws restores to the crown the full power of bestowing offices on persons deemed the most suitable, of whatever sect. France, as well as the different states on the continent, who have enlarged the bonnds of toleration, are happily experiencing the effects of this enlightened policy, and are reaping the benefit of the measure, by having the services of christians, of all denomina. tions, yea, even of the Jewish people. The Americans likewise from the commencement of their independence, have placed all sects on an equality: and what is the result? All the different sectaries live in peace and harmony: there are no existing jealousies
on account of their various religious opinions, because all are equal - in civil society: being equally eligible to office, all unite in the service of their common country.
It is not only the states of America, but by far the greater part of the European states, which have embraced the principles of enlarged toleration. The rulers, and legislators of Britain whose grand distinction once was their being the guardian of the civil, and religious rights of mankind, seem determined to shut their eyes against the light shining around them; and to preserve those nu.