parent; but when the hour arrives in which that tie is to be for ever broken for this world, then the heart grows sick, reason staggers on its throne, and falls, perhaps never to be revived. In the contemplation of the latter scene, we would not breathe a whisper that should disturb the awful solemnity of the spectacle-a father, whose reason has fled over the grave of a much-loved child, is a sacred being; he carries with him a passport through the world, to the sympathy and compassio of every feeling heart; and in that character we must now view the afflicted George III. The death of his youngest daughter Amelia, which took place at Windsor, on the 2nd of November, 1810, broke the last hold of his already tottering reason, and removed him, as it were, into a world of his own, peopled by his own creations, but desolate, dark, and dreary to all by whom he was surrounded.

The character of the Princess Amelia shines amidst the vices of royalty with a redeeming light; and the contrast is、 the greater, as the occurrence is so rare. Dignified, though condescending benevolent, without ostentation-lively, though a prey to sickness, which usually quenches the spirits, as well as the health of youth—she was beloved by all who lived within the sphere of hearing of her virtues. In performing the duties of humanity and benevolence, she was indefatigable; and the grateful sympathy with which all her acts of this nature were performed was not less soothing and gratifying than the actual tribute of her kindness. In the relations of domestic life, nothing could exceed her attention, assiduity, and affection. The last act of her filial tenderness evinced that it was not in the power of sickness, severely as it operated on her, to lessen the amiable temper of her mind; for, languid as she was at some periods, and tortured by pain at others, a desire of testifying her affection for the best of fathers was one of the strongest feelings of her heart. She wished to present her royal father with a token of her filial duty and affection; and she had the satisfaction of placing on his finger a ring made by her own directions for the express purpose, containing a small lock of her hair, inclosed under a crystal tablet, set round with a few sparks of diamonds, accompanied by the impressive words-Remember me. This scene proved

VOL. II.

B

too much for the agitated monarch, already weakened by many severe trials; and the indisposition, both bodily and mental, which ensued, involved the nation in sorrow, and rendered it necessary that Parliament should turn its attention to the subject of a regency.

We shall enter, minutely and fully, into the history of this most interesting and important event, whether we regard it in its origin, nature, or consequences, in order that it may be transmitted to posterity with all that regularity and precision which so momentous a circumstance deserves and demands.

At the close of the year 1810, it was generally known that the exercise of the royal functions was suspended, by a recurrence of that malady with which his Majesty had been afflicted in 1788.

Although his Majesty had prorogued the parliament to the 1st day of November, 1810, it was understood and well known that this was not the period intended for the commencement of business, but that a further prorogation was determined on, of which, indeed, notice had been given in the Gazette. This, however, could only be effected by a commission signed by the King; and when the moment arrived, his Majesty was so much indisposed as to be unable to affix his signature; accordingly, exertions were made to obtain as large an attendance as possible in both houses. On the meeting of the House of Lords, the Lord Chancellor stated, with great concern, that the personal indisposition of his Majesty was such at the present time, that he did not think it his duty; under the circumstances, to proffer to his Sovereign a commission to receive the sign manual; and he concluded by moving that the House, at its rising, should adjourn to the 15th day of November.

The House of Commons was, on the same day, placed in the unprecedented situation of proceeding to business, although an official notice of a prorogation had been given; but no commission having been signed for that purpose, the Speaker was obliged to take the chair. A similar motion for adjournment to that made in the House of Lords was made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and, being seconded by Mr. Sheridan, the motion was carried.

On the 15th the two Houses met, pursuant to the adjournment, when a motion was made for a further adjournment to the 29th, which motion, after some slight objections from the Opposition, was ultimately carried. On the question of the second adjournment, Mr. Sheridan, however, to the utter surprise of his own party, turned round and voted with the majority. Mr. Sheridan was known at that time to be the organ of the Prince in the House, and deductions were drawn from the conduct of Sheridan, in regard to the temper and views of the Prince with respect to the regency. As an interesting document, which will prepare our readers for the sequel of this important business, we transcribe a letter written at this period by Sheridan to the Prince of Wales; and it having cost us much trouble to obtain, we regret that we have been anticipated in the publication of it by the biographer of Sheridan.

: SIB, I felt infinite satisfaction when I was apprized that your Royal Highness had been far from disapproving the line of conduct I had presumed to pursue on the last question of adjournment in the House of Commons. Indeed, I never had a moment's doubt but that your Royal Highness would give me credit that I was actuated in that, as I shall be on every other occasion through my existence, by no possible motive but the most unmixed and sincere desire to look to your Royal Highness' honour and true interest as the objects of my political life-directed, as I am sure your efforts will ever be, to the essential interests of the country and the constitution. To this line of conduct I am prompted by every motive of personal gratitude, and confirmed by every opportunity which peculiar circumstances and long experience have afforded me, of judging of your heart and understanding, to the superior excellence of which (beyond all, I believe, that ever stood in your rank and high relation to society) I fear not to advance my humble testimony*, because I

*The passage printed in Italics is particularly deserving of notice, as, ere long, it will be seen that the same individual who now boasted of the superior excellence of the royal heart was left to languish out a miserable existence, surrounded by duns and bailiffs, forgotten and neglected by those whom he had served to the destruction of his own character and resources. If ever there was a life which ought to be held forth as a warning voice to those who rely on the smiles and protestations of royalty, that life is the life of Sheridan. A drop of oil, it is true, was sent when the lamp was nearly out; but the lateness of the gift, added to its

scruple not to say for myself that I am no flatterer, and that I never found that to become one was the road to your real regard.

I state thus much, because it has been under the influence of these feelings that I have not felt myself warranted (without any previous communication with your Royal Highness) to follow implicitly the dictates of others, in whom, however they may be my superiors in many qualities, I subscribe to no superiority as to devoted attachment and duteous affection to your Royal Highness, nor in that practical knowledge of the public mind and character upon which alone must be built that popular and personal estimation of your Royal Highness, so necessary to your future happiness and glory, and to the prosperity of the nation you are destined to govern over.

'On these grounds I saw no policy, no consistency, in unnecessarily giving a general sanction to the examination of the physicians before the council, and then attempting, on the question of adjournment, to hold that examination as nought. On these grounds I have ventured to doubt the wisdom or propriety of any endeavour (if any such endeavour has been made) to induce your Royal Highness, during so critical a moment, to stir an inch from the strong reserved post you had chosen, or give the slightest public demonstration of any future intended political preferences; convinced as I was, that the rule of conduct you had prescribed to yourself was precisely that which was gaining you the general heart, and rendering it impracticable for any quarter to succeed in annexing unworthy conditions to that most difficult situation which you are probably so soon to be called on to accept.

'I may, Sir, have been guilty of error of judgment in both these respects, differing, as I fear I have done, from those whom I am bound so highly to respect; but, at the same time, I deem it no presumption to say, that, until better instructed, I feel a strong confidence in the justness of my own view on this subject; and simply because of this-I am sure that the decisions of that judgment, be they sound or mistaken, have not, at least, been rashly taken up, but were founded on deliberate zeal for your service and glory, unmixed, I will confidently say, with any one selfish object or political purpose of my own.'

On the meeting of parliament, on the 29th, Lord Camden

scantiness, only tended to wound still deeper the feelings of the dying man, and to lacerate the heartstrings, which a more bountiful donation would have kept from breaking.

stated, that examinations had taken place before his Majesty's Privy Council, of the physicians who attended the royal person, and the result of these examinations was, that it was the unanimous opinion of all his Majesty's physicians, that though his Majesty was incapable of coming to parliament, or of attending to public business, yet they entertained the most confident hopes of his recovery, but were unable to state at what period he might become convalescent.

This statement was followed by a motion for the adjournment of the House to the 13th of December, which met with considerable opposition, but was ultimately carried. On this occasion the Lord Chancellor made the following most extraordinary remarks, which although, strictly speaking, they may be considered as truly constitutional, yet they tended, in a great degree, to open the eyes of the Prince's party to the ulterior views of ministers as connected with the establishment of a regency, and to the conditions which were to be annexed to it. The Prince of Wales, according to the showing of the Lord Chancellor, was not to be invested with any powers arising from the incompetency of the sovereign, but merely as an individual, acting under the controul and responsibility of the ministers.

It was in reply to some strong remarks made by Lord Grenville, on the unconstitutional power of ministers, acting independently of the crown, that the Lord Chancellor said that, according to the spirit of our laws, the Sovereign is King in infancy, in age, in decrepitude. If you take away what the law gives him, you change the name and authority of the King, by the sanction and authority of which name you can alone rightly act. The King's political capacity, he would again repeat, continues the same in infancy, in sickness, in age, and in decrepitude. No subject can be considered in the same light. God forbid that the two Houses should declare the King incompetent. Much might be said on a question of this nature, but it never was to be allowed that such a power rested in the Privy Council.

By this memorable exposition of the powers of the Sovereign the Privy Council, at whose head the King is supposed to sit in person, and from whose decisions issue some of the most