of the corner bastion. There was always lively rifle-fire going on whenever any one showed on the parapet of the city wall, but the Afghans outside had generally the best of the position, as they were quite hidden from sight. A piece of open ground in rear of the karez between two enclosures was rather a dangerous place for them to cross, although 1,000 yards from the walls. Marksmen with Martinis fired volleys whenever they saw a group hurrying across, and the bullets generally told. Many of the walls have been thrown down by our working parties; and in one garden, full of large trees casting a pleasant shade, is the Field Hospital of the garrison. Thence we passed towards the Head-Quarters' Garden (now occupied by General Phayre and his Staff) and had a look at the embrasure whence a 6-pounder used to fire into the city. The gun was placed on the steep bank of the main karez, and was banked up to its muzzle, which was some ten feet above the bottom of the water-cut. There was broken ground in front intersected by irrigation channels, and in rear some low-walled enclosures in which are now located a number of our transport animals. Here my interesting journey came to an end, and I returned to quarters in cantonments, favourably impressed with the rude evidences of the enemy's skill. It was at first believed that a European adventurer was with Ayub Khan, from the admirable way in which his artillery was handled and the dispositions made for investing Candahar; but this idea is now exploded. It is more probable that there were in Herat men who had seen service in the Turkish army in Asia Minor, or even north of the Bosphorus, in the late war against Russia. These men could have picked up some idea of entrenchments and be able to apply their knowledge under the direction of the Naib, the only Afghan General who seems to know how to handle his men. Others there may be who have learned a smattering of the principles of civilized warfare in Persia or the Russian Khanates; but in any case there was a decided improvement in their method to that of the men we fought in and about Cabul.

The Maiwand Disaster.

545

CHAPTER V.

An Account of the Defeat of General Burrows at Maiwand-The Disaffection among the Wali's Troops-Intrigues between Local Sirdars and Ayub Khan-The Desertion of the Wali's Infantry-General Burrows at Girishk-His Orders-Ayub Khan's Line of Advance from Farrah-The Helmand River Fordable at all Points-The Routes from Girishk to Candahar-Strategical Importance of Girishk-General Burrows' Council of War on July 15th-Retirement of the Brigade upon Khuski-Nakhud-Defective Cavalry Reconnaissances-Ayub Khan's Advance upon Maiwand-His Arrival at Sangbur-General Burrows' Movement from Khusk-i-Nakhud to intercept the Afghan Army-The Action at Maiwand-Comparative Strength of the British and Afghan Forces-General Burrows' First Disposition of Attack—An Artillery Duel-The Effect upon the Brigade of acting on the Defensive-Advance of the Afghan Irregulars-The Behaviour of Jacob's Rifles on the Left-Confusion among the Native Troops-Defeat and Rout of the Brigade-Ineffectual Attempt to make the Cavalry Charge-The Retreat to Candahar.

CANDAHAR, 13th September.

FROM Such sources as I have been able to draw upon, I have gained a fairly exact idea of the circumstances attending General Burrows' defeat on the 27th of July, and I am now writing what, perhaps, is the first unofficial account of the Maiwand disaster. Taking up the story from the mutiny of the Wali's troops on the 14th of July, it would seem that though General Burrows succeeded on that occasion in recapturing the 6-pounder smooth-bore battery, there was not that severe punishment inflicted upon the mutineers which would have been their just reward. The disaffection in the Wali Shere Ali's army was well known in the British camp, and decisive measures might have been taken for disarming the 2,000 infantry soldiers before they had fully made up their minds to desert. But that indecision which was the ruling-power in the Girishk Brigade was all-powerful even in the early days of July; and there was, perhaps, also the feeling in the political mind that it was too early to acknowledge how mere a shadow the Wali's authority was, and how worthless was his so-called army. The fact that Nur Mahomed Khan, "the Surteep," had been wholly won over to Ayub's side, must surely

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have been known to the Wali, who was no doubt also tempted to throw over the British. One of the Candahar regiments, even before it marched to the Helmund, was greatly disaffected; but as the Wali had officered his " army "from this particular regiment, there was a disinclination to disband it, as the other regiments might have given trouble. Thus the Surteep was allowed full scope to work out his plans, and his subsequent desertion followed in the natural order of things. His character as a hospitable entertainer of British officers had won him some goodwill; but there were those who suspected his loyalty to us, and were doubtful of his relations with Ayub Khan. For months there must have been secret correspondence between this man and the Herat leaders, who were no doubt kept fully informed of all our movements, and furnished with exact details of our local strength. That such a truly Afghan intrigue should not have been detected, proves how small was the sympathy really felt for us in Candahar, and the question arises, was the Wali unacquainted with the plot to seduce his army when the occasion served? If he were not, he must indeed be an exception to the general rule, for Afghan sirdars are so well versed in intrigue that they can usually detect danger when our political officers believe all is going smoothly and satisfactorily. But on July 14th the plot came to a head, and General Burrows found himself left, with a weak brigade, alone on the Helmund. Nominally, he had been supposed to act in support of the Wali's army; but this farce had come to an end, and his position was defined only too clearly: he had to meet single-handed whatever force Ayub could muster. Our late" allies were in the ranks of the enemy; the Wali's army had ceased to exist; and the Surteep's desertion would probably be followed by the rising of the armed peasantry of Zamindawar and the surrounding districts, for the Sirdar's example could not fail to influence ignorant men. If a chief of such importance had declared for Ayub, surely, it would be argued, the British were in great straits. Now comes the moot point as to what were General Burrows' orders and what expectation he had of being reinforced from Candahar. Regarding the first, I believe I am perfectly right in stating that he was ordered to "stop Ayub Khan and disperse his troops if possible." On the question of reinforcements I am more doubtful; but I