States, by President Jackson, in July 1832, though almost unanimously approved by the democratic party in the state of New York, rendered it desirable that unusual care should be taken in the choice of candidates for the fall election. The advocates of the Chenango canal were as urgent and pertinacious in pressing their claims, as ever. Mr. Granger, who was certain to be the candidate of the opposition party, had been long known for the friendly interest he took in behalf of the work. The re-nomination of Governor Throop, under such circumstances, was deemed unadvisable; and he addressed a letter to the state convention which assembled at Herkimer, respectfully declining a nomination. Mr. Marcy was then selected as the candidate for governor. The fact, that the positions he had occupied for several years previous, had kept him, in a great measure, aloof from state politics, was a strong argument in favor of his nomination, and the vote was nearly unanimous. John Tracy, of Chenango county, was nominated for lieutenant-governor. Wright was a member of the convention from the county of Albany, and participated in its proceedings. The state nominations were entirely acceptable to the friends of the Chenango canal; and they were given to understand, that the bill they had urged, so far in vain, would be favorably considered at the next session of the Legislature. The democratic ticket succeeded; and in the winter of 1833 a bill was passed, authorizing the immediate construction of the canal.

Mr.

On the 18th of December, 1832, Mr. Wright, together with Azariah C. Flagg, and John A. Dix, addressed a letter to Governor Lumpkin, of Georgia, recommending the pardon of certain missionaries among the Cherokee Indians, who had been convicted and

imprisoned for alleged violations of the state laws. The jurisdiction of Georgia had been called in question ; and as the controversy was likely to lead to collisions. with the General Government, they asked the release of the imprisoned persons, as an act of magnanimity on the part of the state. Their interposition proved effectual, and the missionaries were restored to liberty.

The election of Mr. Marcy as governor of the state produced a vacancy in the Senate of the United States. The general choice of the party centred at once on Mr. Wright. The friends of the Chenango canal did not favor his appointment, but he was elected by a large majority early in the session of 1833.

CHAPTER V.

1833. The Anxiety of Mr. Wright's friends for his Success-Enters the Senate-Talent in that Body-His Course and Character as a Senator early formed-Mental Qualities--Condition of the Country -Nullification-The Force Bill-The Compromise Act-His Objections to the Bill-Vote on its Passage-His Remarks-Mr. Clay's Land Bill-Distribution-The Bank of the United States- Removal of the Deposits-Derangement of the Currency and Pecuniary Distress-Firmness of General Jackson-Marriage of Mr. WrightMeeting of Congress-Presentation of Petitions-Resolutions of the New York Legislature-Speech of Mr. Wright--Regarded as the Organ of the Administration-Motion of Mr. Webster for leave to Introduce a Bill to Re-charter the Bank-Speech of Mr. Wright on the Motion-Resolutions of Mr. Clay Censuring the President and Secretary of the Treasury-Debate thereon-Defence of the Executive by Mr. Wright-Protest of the President-Difficulty in the Post Office Department-Vote in the House of Representatives on the Resolutions of Mr. Clay-Bill for the Improvement of the Wabash-Indemnity for French Spoliations prior to 1800-Invitation to a Public Dinner at Albany-Ill Health-Executive Patronage—Regulation of the Deposits-Appropriation Bills-Anticipated Rupture with France-The Fortification Bill-Mr. Wright's Speech.-1835.

At the time Mr. Wright took his seat in the Senate, there were those who distrusted his abilities; who feared that he would be unable to maintain his own reputation, and the high character of the state he represented, in the fierce intellectual contests which must inevitably take place. They did not stop to consider how often it is, that "honor pauseth in the meanest habit ;" they did not appreciate, at its proper value, the strong and powerful genius concealed beneath his plain

and unassuming manner; and they trembled for the senator, still young in years, as he crossed the threshold of the chamber where the sages and statesmen of the past had so often assembled in council, and enrolled his name as a member of the ablest body in the nation-perhaps in the world. But those who knew him intimately and well, had no fears or apprehensions. They had caught some glimpses of the sterling metal in his composition, and they were willing that it should be submitted to the ordeal, satisfied in their own minds that, like the gold of the refiner, it could but come the purer from the trial. They were anxious, very anxious;

but they doubted not.

Remembering that

"Peace hath her victories,

No less renowned than war,"

they were content to see him enter the arena, in the full confidence that he would gather new laurels to adorn his brows, and confer new honor upon those who had promised so much in his behalf.

It was, indeed, a critical time in his history. There were hosts of friends to cheer and encourage him; he was the representative of one of the largest and most important members of the confederacy; it was conceded that he possessed talents of a high order; but his character as a statesman was yet to be formed. Everything was expected from him, and those expectations must not be disappointed. There was a great deal in the past to incite him to renewed exertion, and, like Alexander on the shores of the Hellespont, before him lay "Hope and the world!" Had he faltered then —had he hesitated but for one moment-who can say what his destiny might have been? The country was agitated from one extremity to the other. The best

talent in the land was collected in the Senate. Opposed to the administration he would be called upon to sustain, at the head of his compeers, stood the gallant and chivalrous Clay-captivating the heart, and enchaining the imagination, by the magic bursts of his thrilling eloquence; Calhoun, the fearless champion of the sovereignty of the states, with his chaste diction, and analytical mind-every sentence that he uttered a whole chapter of argument, and every word a political text; Webster, calm, profound, and argumentativepowerful in stature, and gigantic in mind; the smooth and plausible Clayton; and Preston, fervid and impassioned, as the rays of the southern sun which had warmed his genius into life. On the opposite side, there was Benton, industrious, determined, and unyielding— with his pockets overflowing with statistics, and his head full of historical lore; Forsyth, easy and graceful in his address, but an able and experienced debater; Rives, the eloquent and talented senator from the Old Dominion, seeking to give vent to the inspiration he had caught in the groves of Monticello; White, with his metaphysical and sententious apothegms; and the shrewd and cautious Grundy, familiar with parliamentary tactics, watching for the weak points in his adversary's argument, and never caring to conceal his gratification when he saw the fabric, reared with so much labor, toppling down in the dust.

Such were the statesmen among whom Mr. Wright had taken a place, and against and with whom he was obliged to compete for the brilliant honors he acquired in his senatorial career. At the outset, the course was marked out which he subsequently pursued. Courteous and affable-dignified and respectful-he never suffered himself, in the midst of the stormiest debate, to forget