It is said, that his friends in the county where he resided are about to erect a monument over his grave. That is both just and appropriate. Such mementoes serve to point the living where the honored dead repose. While they admonish the beholder, of the uncertainty of life, and the certainty of death; they serve to encourage ambition, and enkindle love of virtue, and love of country. Let the memorial be erected, then ; and when that silent tomb in St. Lawrence becomes the Mecca of those who shall live after us, the pilgrim may stand beside it, and feel awed in the presence that will hover around that consecrated spot. Yet, there will be a more enduring monument than this-one that will not perish, like the frail handiwork of man. It will be reared in the memories of the American people. The name and the fame of SILAS WRIGHT will live, as long as philanthropy and patriotism continue to animate the hearts of his countrymen. SPEECH, ON PRESENTING THE RESOLUTIONS OF THE NEW YORK LEGISLATURE, APPROVING OF THE COURSE OF PRESIDENT JACKSON AND OF THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY WITH REGARD TO THE REMOVAL OF THE DEPOSITS. [Delivered in the United States Senate, January 30, 1834.] I HOLD in my hand, Mr. President, and am about to ask leave to present to the Senate, certain proceedings of the Legislature of my state, in which that body expresses its sentiments in regard to the removal, (as it is called,) of the public moneys from their deposit in the Bank of the United States, made by order of the secretary of the treasury; in regard to the recharter of the Bank of the United States, and in regard to the existing pressure upon the money market in some portions of the country, with its views of the character and causes of that pressure; and in which, also, that Legislature expresses its pleasure as to the course which the representatives of the state, upon this floor, shall pursue, when called to act upon these questions. In presenting, a few days since, the proceedings of limited portions of the people of their respective states, upon the same subjects, honorable senators took occasion, no doubt properly, to inform the Senate of the number, character and standing, political as well as personal, of those whose sentiments they laid before us; to tell us as well who they were, as who they were not. I beg the indulgence of the Senate, while, following the example set me, I detail some facts in relation to the body whose proceedings it has become my duty to present, tending to show the extent to which the proceedings themselves claim the respectful attention of Congress. The whole number of members allowed by the constitution of the state of New York to its Legislature, is one hundred and twentyeight members of Assembly and thirty-two senators. The members of Assembly are appointed to the fifty-five counties of the state according to their respective population, and the whole territory is divided into eight districts for the election of senators, each district having four, and electing one of the four every year. The proceedings which I am about to present, were passed in the House of Assembly by a vote of one hundred and eighteen for, to nine against, and in the Senate by a vote of thirty-three for, to five against them; thus showing the very unusual occurrence, that of the one hundred and sixty members elected by the people to that Legislature, one hundred and fifty-five were present and acting upon these interesting and important questions. But, sir, if this unexampled strength and unanimity of expression be entitled to weight, and it surely must be, while authentic evidence of public opinion is allowed an influence in our deliberations, that weight is greatly enhanced by the peculiar circumstances attending the expression. All these members of the popular branch of that Legislature, and eight of the thirty-two senators were elected during the first week in November last, one full month after the change of the deposits, while the vote shows that more than thirteen to one of the members of Assembly voted for, while but one of the eight senators, thus elected, voted against the resolutions. Still, the strength of this vote, taken as an expression of public opinion, will be much increased by an examination of its territorial distribution. It is well known here, and throughout the country, that the extreme western district of the state of New York, has been unhappily, but most severely agitated, in consequence of an outrage, several years since, committed against the liberty, and probably upon the life, of a citizen. The effects of this outrage have been, not only the engendering of the most bitter domestic feuds, but the partial establishment of a geographical line of separation in feeling between that and the other sections of the state. It is, however, a source of high gratification to myself to be able to state, as I trust it will be of pleasure to all liberal minded men to learn, that this unnatural warfare of feeling is most rapidly subsiding; that the deep wounds which have been created by it, in the social relations of that otherwise highly favored section of the state, are healing fast, and that the time is not distant when the evidence of its existence and effects will entirely disappear. In this section of the state, however, not an expression of complaint as to a pecuniary pressure has been heard; and from the best advices, I believe that, at this mo |