even hurtful; that it gave no real protection, that it fettered the progress and the activity of justice, in its pursuit of crimes.-Here, then, is one great security of the subject taken away, by the French alterations of the trial by jury.

Great and important measures, the minister said, had been taken for the suppression of mendicity, and it was confidently hoped that in a few years this opprobrium of civilized society would be completely removed from France. The means by which this end was to be obtained were no otherwise explained than that each department was to have a central depot, answering to our houses of industry, and that those beggars who could not be reclaimed to honest labour, and were found begging out of their departments, should be confined in the central houses of detention. The restrictions upon commerce were said to have originated in the tyranny of the English, particularly in the orders in council, of November 11, 1807; the minister chusing not to remember the measures which preceded and provoked them. It was admitted, that, from the subsequent restrictions, the almost absolute cessation of French commerce, and many privations for the French merchants, manufacturers, and consumers, must necessarily ensue; but these privations had been borne with resignation, had already become habitual, had awakened the genius of invention, and had produced a thousand resources in substitution of the objects of which France was deprived. Moreover, it was known that a great nation, essentially agricultural, possessing in abundance all articles of utility, could easily forego certain luxuries or conveniencies of life, when its independence and glo

ry were at stake. The attempts at raising cotton, notwithstanding some unfavourable circumstances, still gave room to hope for ultimate success. They were justified, also, in auguring well of the experiments made on the syrups of the grape. The culture of tobacco succeeded, and that which was raised near St Malo equalled the American.

The finances were said, since France had generously consented to the adoption of indirect taxation, to have reached a state of order and prosperity unknown in the best administered governments. The finances of a state were not essentially and efficiently good till they became independent of circumstances, till they could be maintained without the ruinous expedients of loans and excessive con. tributions, and till they were so organized, that, in an extraordinary emergency, all the property, and all the individuals, might be called upon promptly to furnish their respective quotas in advance. The endeavours of the emperor had been incessantly directed to the attainment of this object, and they had been crowned by the most complete success. The minister did not explain in what the plan of paying taxes in advance differed from loans and excessive contributions. If the receipts be admitted at a future time in payment, it is virtually a forced loan; but it is far more likely that government would find it necessary to go on anticipating its resources, and thus convert this system into a plan for raising double taxes within the year, whenever they were wanted. peace, the revenue was stated at 600 millions, which would leave a large surplus for national improvements: the war standard was 800. Whenever peace was restored, there would

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be a reduction of one fourth part of the taxes; and on a renewal of war, it was not in the contemplation of the emperor to resort to the illusory expedients of imposing taxes of a novel description, or of holding out temptations to raise new supplies: the contributions would be brought back to the war standard, and, even then, raised only by 100 or 150 millions at a time, in case of need; and this would be done by a simple scale or table of proportions, which would enable every citizen to ascertain what share he bore in the good or bad fortune of the state. If the difference between the war and peace expenditure is accurately stated as only a fourth part, the reason must be, because the French armies contain so many troops raised and paid by the dependent allies, and because the greater number of them are always fed and supported in a hostile or in a dependent country.

The account of their naval exploits were truly pitiful. A squadron from Toulon had thrown supplies into Corfu, and returned safely, as if by enchantment! The colonies also had been supplied; many prizes had been made from the English, especially in India; and only one of the French frigates had surrendered, after a glorious contest against a superior force. This was the Piedmontaise, a ship carrying more guns than that to which she struck, and more than three times the number of * men. Such was the state to which Nelson had reduced the naval power of France, that their runaway expeditions, and the success of their privateers, were all they had to boast of. Their preparations, indeed,

7

would be formidable, were we at peace with Buonaparte. Ten ships of the line, built at Antwerp, and ready for sea, were awaiting their destination there : twelve had been launched during the year, and the same number of frigates: five-andtwenty ships of the line, and five-andtwenty frigates were on the stocks. Before the end of two campaigns, the bason of Cherbourg would be fit to receive squadrons: Spezzia was about to become a second Toulon. The union of almost all the coasts of the Mediterranean to France, secured to her arsenals and ships abundant supplies of provisions, stores, and men. Venice, Ancona, Naples, and all the means of Holland and Italy, were in motion. The Boulogne flotilla was not omitted in this display. It was said to be kept up, equipped, and in readiness to undertake the operations for which it was originally created: and a hundred thousand of the grand army were to leave the Prussian states, and to occupy the Boulogne camp.

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Henceforth, he pursued, the war was to consist in repelling the English commerce from all points. the social relations of England with the continent were suspended, and she was smitten by the excommunication which she had herself provoked. This exclusion was about to be consummated, when she contrived, as a last resource, to excite disturbances in Spain, and ally herself with the most barbarous prejudices, even with the inquisition. The event of this last effort could not be doubtful. What a

presage, said the minister, does the heroic army of Portugal offer to us,

which, struggling against double its force, has been able to raise trophies on the very land where it fought to such disadvantage, and to dictate the conditions of a glorious retreat!

This insult the English had but too well deserved; whether the enemy's boast of driving us out of Spain would be as well supported, was yet to be proved.

THE French armies in Spain, when Buonaparte put himself at their head, were not less than 200,000 men. The head-quarters were at Vittoria. The left wing, under Moncey, (Duke of Cornegliano,) was posted along the banks of the Aragon and the Ebro, having its head-quarters at Rafalla. Ney (Duke of Elchingen) was with his division at Guardia: Bessieres (Duke of Istria) at Miranda, part of his corps garrisoning Pancorbo. General Merlin, with one division, occupied the heights of Durango, and defended the heights of Mondragon, from the threatened attack of the Spaniards. Castanos, in order to concentrate his forces, and cover the province of Aragon, quitted the line on the Ebro, and posted himself on the left bank of the Alagon, forming a line from Sanguessa to Villafranca, and leaving 2500 men at Logrono. His right wing touched the left of Palafox's army; but their united force did not exceed 20,000 men. The armies of Estre

madura and Murcia, computed at 30,000, were in the centre, opposed to the French on the Ebro: they expected to be joined by the British, under Sir John Moore and Sir David Baird, whose effective force amounted to 28,000. Blake's army, was now estimated at 35,000. The whole force, therefore, to be opposed to the French, was only 113,000, if the British had joined.

The first object of the French was to prevent this junction. They began by attacking the main body of Blake's army, consisting of 17,000 men, with a force of 25,000, on the last day of October. After an action, which was obstinately contested for eight hours, against so superior a force, the Spaniards fell back to Valmaseda, without losing colours or prisoners. They were without artillery, or the fate of the day might have been different. Blake display. ed great skill in this action, unequal as it was: The French say, that if it had not taken place, his army was

in a situation to have been completely cut off. It should seem, therefore, that he forced the enemy to fight, and that a retreat, so won and so conducted, was a victory. Le febvre (Duke of Dantzic) pursued, and entered Bilbao on the 3d of November. It was Blake's intention to have fallen back, till he could concentrate the whole of his army; but the second division, and a part of the Asturian troops, under Azeredo, which had repulsed a superior force of the French on the 3d, had its communication cut off, and the French were strengthening themselves, at Arciniega and Orrantia, to prevent their junction with the main body of the army. Blake prepared to attack them: They retreated during the night of the fourth; but, on the following day, the fourth division of the Galícians came up with 7000 of the enemy near Valmaseda, and completely defeated them, with great slaughter. On the 7th, he attacked the French again, and turned their left wing; but his centre was too weak to advance, and the extreme inclemency of the night, with the exhausted condition of his troops, prevented him from pursuing his advantage, as he had purposed, on the ensuing morning. Never, indeed, did any soldiers endure greater privations: from the 23d of October, they had been continually in the open air, during rainy nights and the most in-, clement weather; they were all without hats, great part of them without clothes or shoes; and they were whole days without food. Yet, under all these sufferings, not a murmur of dissatisfaction was heard, and they manifested no other wish than that of contributing to the destruction of the enemy, and the safety of their

country, by the sacrifice of their own lives.

The system of the French was to wear the Galician army out, and beat them down by repeated attacks. For this purpose they continually poured in fresh troops against it. On the 8th, the rear was attacked with little effect; on the 10th, the whole army was engaged with a force which nearly doubled its amount. The battle continued from noon till darkness terminated it. The French, continually reinforced, renewed it the next morning, and finally succeeded in routing the left wing. It was now necessary to retreat; but the enemy got possession of a height commanding the road of the retreating army: this threw them into confusion; and the men, worn out with incessant fatigue, and seeing no hope of immediate succour, began to disperse.Blake attempted, with the remains of his army, to make a stand at Reynosa, one of the strongest positions in that strong country: here he hoped to have collected his scattered forces; but scarcely had he arrived, when fresh troops poured in upon him: another body of the French appeared also on the road from Burgos': no alternative was left him, but again to retreat towards St Andero; and the dispersion of his army was so complete, that there no longer remained any force to oppose the French on this side. But justice should be done to this gallant army : no men ever behaved more gallantly, nor with more determined patriotism. Without cavalry, without clothing, almost without food, they fought battle after battle, against troops always superior in number, and whose losses were always filled up with fresh reinforcements. Nor was there one