been made by France, to destroy the political existence of Great Britain by ruining her commerce; in this experiment the powers of Europe had been compelled to co-operate; and the American embargo, though it was admitted, not intended to that end, did come in aid of the blockade of the European continent, precisely at the very moment when, if that blockade could have succeeded at all, this interposition of the American government would most effectually have contributed to its success. That blockade had proved utterly harmless and con temptible; it was nevertheless important to the reputation of Great Britain, that no step, which could even mistakenly be construed into concession, should be taken on her part. If it were possible to make any sacrifice for the repeal of the embargo, without appearing to deprecate it as a measure of hostility, his Majesty would gladly have facilitated its removal, as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people. It was observed, that nothing had been said by Mr Pinckney of any intention to repeal the proclamation by which our ships of war are interdicted from those rights of hospitality in the ports of the United States, which were freely allowed to the ships of his Majesty's enemies; and this, it was said, afforded but an inauspicious omen for the commencement of a system of mutual conciliation." This correspondence was laid before Congress by the President, who, in his message, urged the necessity of con

"Concern

tinuing the embargo. ing the affair of the Chesapeake,” he said, "that the inadmissible preliminary which obstructed the adjustment of that difference was still adhered to by the British government, and, moreover, that it was now brought into connection with the distinct and irrelative case of the Orders in Council,--as if England were to enter into a negociation with America for compounding the lesser cause of difference, and leaving the more important matter of dispute untouched!"Little does Mr Jefferson understand the state of England, and the feelings of the English people. The embargo and the Orders in Council were vehemently discussed as party questions, and then they were forgotten,

Some temporary inconvenience might be sustained by a few individuals, but the nation at large were not in the slightest degree affected; and when they were reminded, by any accident, that such acts were in existence, they thought of them with indifference, like other laws which could never be brought home to themselves. It was otherwise with regard to that which Mr Jefferson styled the inadmissible preliminary,

the sovereignty of the seas. That is the privilege of England, and the pride of every Briton; the King feels not a livelier interest in asserting it than the humblest of his subjects. It is our birthright and inheritance, which our fathers have won; which we ourselves have, in our generation, gloriously established, and which our posterity will maintaim!

IN the month of February, a convention* between his Majesty and the King of Sweden was signed at Stockholm, in which Great Britain agreed to pay to Sweden twelve hundred thousand pounds in twelve monthly payments, the King of Sweden engaging to employ it in putting into motion, and keeping on a respectable establishment, all his landforces, and such part as should be necessary of his fleets, particularly his flotilla. The two contracting powers covenanted also, that they would conclude no peace or truce, or convention of neutrality with the enemy, but in concert and by mutual agreement. It was added, in a separate article, that the measures to be taken, and the auxiliary succours to be stipulated for, in case of war actually taking place between Sweden and the neighbouring powers, should be concerted as soon as possible.

When this convention was laid be fore parliament, Ministers observed,

that the proposed subsidy and sup port were not intended to entangle the King of Sweden in any alliance that should prevent him from making an equitable and honourable peace; but to enable him to make a stand in the defence of his kingdom: and they remarked, that the subsidy was not to be paid in one sum, as it had formerly been to Prussia, but in monthly instalments, to be continued as long as it was probable its object could be accomplished. Lord Grenville was not disposed to oppose a measure which tended to uphold the character of Great Britain in the eyes of Europe. "He was sorry, however," he said, "to see the treaty encumbered with a stipulation, that the two countries should negociate conjointly. There was no reciprocity between the interests and situation of the two powers; and therefore it was idle to tie down either of them to a joint negotiation: besides there was a sort of contradiction in saying that Sweden was left free to negociate,

and next to require that she should not make peace except in conjunction with her ally." Mr Whitbread enlarged upon this objection. "A "A similar engagement," he said, " was contracted in the course of the last war with the King of Sardinia, by which we had bound ourselves not to conclude a peace, unless he was reinstated in the whole of his dominions; the engagement was violated by the peace of Amiens, and thus had brought disgrace upon the country. The fidelity of the King of Sweden, much as he admired it, he did not think superior to that which had been displayed by Austria; the wisest policy which that monarch could pursue was to make peace with France, and it could be no impeachment of his honour to do so." Upon these grounds, and upon the omission in the treaty of any stipulation on the part of Sweden to co-operate in giving effect to the Orders in Council, he moved a long amendment, which was negatived without a division.

This treaty was signed on the 8th of February. The Russian troops were already on their march towards Finland; and, on the 10th, the Emperor Alexander issued a declaration against Sweden. "Justly indignant," he said, "at the violence which England had displayed towards the King of Denmark, faithful to his character, and to his system of unceasing care for the interests of his empire, he could not remain insensible of so unjust and unexampled an aggression on a sovereign connected with him by the ties of blood and friendship, and who was the most ancient ally of Russia, By the treaties of 1783 and 1800, which covenanted to maintain the Baltic as a close sea, to guarantee its coast against all acts

of hostility, violence, or vexation whatever, and to employ for that purpose all the means in the power of the contracting parties, his Imperial Majesty was not merely authorised but bound to call upon the King of Sweden for his co-operation against England. But the King of Sweden refused all co-operation till the French troops should be removed from the coasts, and the ports of Germany opened to English ships,

could there be a more striking proof of partiality towards Great Britain? Informed that the cabinet of St James's had threatened Denmark, that Swedish troops should occupy Zealand, and that the possession of Norway should be guaranteed to Sweden; assured also that that King was secretly negociating a treaty at London, his Imperial Ma◄ jesty could not allow the relations of Sweden towards Russia to remain. longer in a state of uncertainty, and nothing remained but to resort to those means which Providence had placed in his hands, for no other purpose except that of giving protection and safety to his dominions."

It is curious, that, when this Emperor Alexander was expressing to Lord Hutchinson his indignation against our conduct towards Denmark, he said "such principles would justify him in attacking Sweden;" thus with his own lips condemning the conduct he was so soon to pursue.

The Russian general, Buxhovden, issued a proclamation upon entering Finland. The Feb. 18. tranquillity of Europe, it was there affirmed, could only be effected by the coalition which had so happily been formed by the most powerful states; but the King of Sweden, instead of joining that coa

lition, had formed a closer alliance with the enemy of tranquillity and peace; and therefore his Imperial Majesty found himself necessitated to take Finland under his protection, in order to secure to himself due satisfaction. "Good friends, and men of Finland!" said this base imitator of an infamous ally, "remain quiet and fear nought; we do not come to you as enemies, but as your friends and protectors, to render you more prosperous and happy, and to avert from you the calamities which, if war should become indispensable, must necessarily befall you. Do not allow yourselves to be seduced to take arms; whosoever offends against this admonition, must impute to himself the consequences of his conduct; while, on the other hand, those who meet his Imperial Majesty's paternal care for the welfare of their country, may rest assured of his powerful favour and protection. All things shall pursue their usual course, according to your ancient laws and customs. Prompt payment shall be made for all provisions and refreshments; and that you may be still more convinced of his Majesty's paternal solicitude for your welfare, he has ordered magazines to be formed, out of which the indigent inhabitants shall be supplied with necessaries in common with his troops. Should circumstances arise to require an amicable discussion, you are directed to send your deputies to the city of Abo, in order to deliberate and adopt such measures as the welfare of the country shall require." A proclamation was also issued to the Swedish soldiers, in which Buxhovden, affecting to commiserate them, as having been obliged to leave their wives and children to fight for an unjust cause, exhorted them to lay down their arms,

and return in peace; and offered two rubles for a musket, one for a sword,

and ten for a horse.

Denmark, in like manner, declared against Swe- Feb. 29. den. All Europe, said the Declaration, has resounded with one cry of indignation, at the crime committed by Great Britain, against a neutral and peaceful state; and from all quarters has the Danish Government received testimonies of the most lively interest in its cause. The Court of Stockholm alone observed a total silence, which it broke at length, only to prefer complaints the most unfounded, and reproaches the most unjust. Indications, indeed, of a secret understanding with Great Britain, at the expence of Denmark, had not been wanting. They appeared in the extraordinary facility with which Sweden consented to the departure of the greater part of the English forces in Pomerania, several weeks before the reduction of Stralsund; whither, as it seemed, they went with no other view than to avail themselves of the opportunity of being conveyed to Zealand. With the extent of the assistance which its enemy had received in the ports of Sweden, Denmark was not acquainted, but it had felt the consequences of that assistance, in a manner most lamentable to itself; and it had been insulted by the pleasure which the King of Sweden appeared to take in repairing to the coast opposite to the Sound, and beholding, personally, all the injustice and outrage committed against a neighbouring country; by the caresses, and marks of distinction, which he lavished upon the leaders of the English forces, and by the honours which they, on their part, affected to render him as the ally of their sovereign. These appearances were

soon succeeded by facts; and the English Government first developed to Denmark the openly hostile disposition of his Swedish Majesty. He was called upon, in the most frank and friendly manner, to declare himself on this subject, and he endeavoured to elude an explanation; he was closely prest, and he returned an answer, oblique, equivocal, and insulting. Nevertheless, as this answer seemed, in some measure, to give the lie to the Government of England, Denmark was content to dissemble its resentment, in hopes that Sweden, becoming enlightened concerning her true interests, would yield to the representations of the Court of Russia, representations made with as much tenderness as patience, and renounce his alliance with England. These hopes had been frustrated, and Denmark could no longer hesitate to take those measures which its security, the general interest of the North, its attachment to Russia, and its engagements with that power, imperiously prescribed. At a moment when Zealand was threatened, by the forces of England, to which the ports of Sweden served as a point of re-union; when the enemy of the North had just assured himself of the dependence of the Court of Stockholm upon him for fresh pecuniary assistance, and when the public declarations of the English ministry sufficiently unfolded the nature of the engagements between the two allies, the Danish Government deemed it right to prefer a state of open hostility to precarious and equivocal relations with a power, which, for a long time, could be considered only as a secret enemy. The King of Denmark declared, therefore, that he adopted altogether the resolutions

of Russia, in regard to Sweden, and would not separate his cause from that of the Emperor Alexander, his august and faithful ally.

Shortly afterwards the King of Prussia also issued March 6. his Declaration. It is to the honour of this fallen monarch,that, in none of those measures, to which he has been compelled by France, and the base treachery of his late ally, he has ever affected to be influenced by any other motive than compulsion. His declarations have been plain and melancholy confessions of helpless weakness. Having been solicited, he said, by the imperial courts of Paris and Petersburgh, consistently with the system of the other continental powers, to extend the same measures against Sweden which had been taken against England; he, therefore, in imitation of the Emperor of Russia, bròke off all relations with Sweden, and closed his ports against Swedish vessels.

The King of Sweden replied, by counter De- March 11. clarations, worthy of his good cause, and the illustrious stock from which he was descended. At a time, he said, when the Emperor of Russia seemed to feel for oppressed princes and countries, and perceived the dangers which threatened all Europe, he entered into engagements with him, founded on the confidence he placed in him as a neighbour, ally, and an independent monarch; and he is now attacked by him on the direct ground of having been his confederate! Never did a prince enter into an alliance with a more assured consciousness of the purity of its motives, as well as of its being inviolably kept. The Emperor Alexander had been personally and repeatedly insulted by the French Government, and his