led away to execution. A few of the Mamelukes escaped by climbing over the walls, but were discovered in their concealments, and shared the fortune of their comrades; and it is not known that of 800 Mamelukes present at this fatal scene, any were left alive, except a few boys, who owed their safety to their extreme youth and beauty. The heads of the beys and principal officers, to the number of 24, were sent as trophies of this exploit to Constantinople. An order had been given at the same time, for the slaughter of all the remaining Mamelukes in Egypt, and within the course of a month, seven or eight hundred were massacred in the towns and villages, whose heads were daily exposed at Cairo before the gates of the citadel. It was a more arduous task to effect the destruction of those Mamelukes who, to the number of eight or nine hundred sabres, besides negroes and Arabs, were encamped in Upper Egypt under the command of Ibrahim Bey. A large body of troops was sent against them, which are said to have surprised and slaugh tered them; though it is probable that a remnant still survive, animated, no doubt, with implacable hatred against the murderers of their companions; but it is not likely that a body of foreign soldiery so constituted can continue

to exist after so severe a blow, and the effect may be that of a firmer establishment of the Turkish dominion in Egypt. The natives have always been indifferent spectators of these contests between their masters.

Intelligence from Egypt after this event, mentions that the infantry destined to act against the Wahabi had arrived at the isthmus of Suez at the commencement of August, where they had embarked for the coast of Arabia. The cavalry was soon expected. Mohammed Ali was said to display great activity in promoting this expedition.

In October the capitan pashaw conducted a maritime force against Aly Molla, the Ayan rebel of Heraclea. He disembarked on the 26th,but the rebel had previously fled in secrecy. A firman was addressed by the Grand Seignior to all the governors of Upper Asia, enjoining them to seize and deliver him up, alive or dead.

The occurrences in the war between Russia and the Porte have been already related. Great expectations were entertained about the close of the year that the negotiations between the two powers would terminate in a peace. This, however, did not take place, and preparations were made on both sides for another campaign.

OF

F much more probable importance to Great Britain than the political state of the remote countries of Europe, is that of the United States of North America, which, though separated from us by a wide ocean, already exert a powerful influence upon our commercial prosperity, and must progressively become of greater weight in our public system in proportion to their advance in wealth and population. It is to be lamented that the year 1811 has passed in a broken intercourse with this people, and in disputes with its government, continually tending to widen the breaches made in the amity which ought to subsist between nations so nearly allied in origin, manners, and sentiments. But before we enter upon particular narrative, it may be proper to make a remark or two, by way of correcting some mistaken notions which seem to prevail relative to the subsisting differences.

And first it may be observed, that when a neutral power is placed between two belligerents, with each of which it has certain relations, it is not to be supposed that arguments, which apply only to the advantage or security of the belligerents, will be acquiesced in by the neutral, when employed to justify political acts which trench upon the rights of independent nations, and which, though reta

liatory on each other with respect to the belligerents, appear as unprovoked hostilities with respect to those who have no share in the quarrel. There are no common principles which should induce one state to sacrifice its rights and in-. terests to those of another; and if it submits to arbitrary decrees and regulations, which infringe its customary privileges, it will be only from inability to resist, not from conviction of the justice of such proceedings. Nor will an involuntary submission to the injuries of one party, appear to the sufferer a sufficient reason for the other to inflict equal injuries upon him. He will never allow that the wrong done by one can be converted into right, when returned by the other. In fact, as soon as the law of equity between nations is deserted, nothing remains but the law of force, the conclusions of which will change with the changes of present power. Expedience is then the sole consideration; and it is superfluous to argue upon principles which have no influence upon the decision.

Secondly, in speaking of the party divisions in the American States, it is common for our newswriters and others to employ the terms of the French and the English parties. Of these degrading designations, however, the pro. priety may be questioned. The citizens of the United States may

differ in their ideas of the relative value of the friendship, or danger of the enmity, of England or France; but it is scarcely to be supposed that the principle of patriotism is so dead among them, as to enlist parties in the cause of either of these nations, without a paramount regard to the interests of their own country, as affected by the predominance of each. If one of these nations persists in measures obnoxious to the Americans, after the other has with drawn similar measures, such nation will undoubtedly, for the time, be the prominent object of their displeasure, and the acts of their government will appear to be chiefly directed against it; but this implies no settled predilection or antipathy towards either side, in the government or in the peo ple. There is nothing in the two domestic parties of America, which should incline either of them to a preference of the French or the English interest; for if the more democratical was formerly disposed to favour the principles of the French revolution, now that the government of that country is converted into a military despotism, no attachment to it upon that ground can subsist. Experience has shown, and certainly will show, that every public mea, sure, which has an obvious tendency to maintain the rights of the American States as an independent nation, will be supported by a majority of the representatives of the people, whatever be their party appellations,

About the close of 1810, discussions took place in the senate of the United States respecting the occupation of West Florida. The

opponents of the bill for its annexation maintained, that the title by which they claimed it was insufficient, and that the President had not authority to cause it to be forcibly occupied; they also urged, that in the present state of Spain, and of her relations with Great Britain, there would be danger that such a measure might involve them in a war with those powers, The advocates of the measure dwelt upon the justice of the claim, and the obligation of asserting a national right under any circumstances whatsoever. It is said that the English minister, in fact, made a remonstrance on the subject. The occupation was, however, carried into effect without resistance.

On Jan. 22d, the President laid before Congress copies of a dispatch from Mr. Pinckney, ministerplenipotentiary from the United States to the court of London, relative to his correspondence with the Marquis Wellesley, on the subject of the orders in council. In his inclosed letter to the marquis, dated Nov. 3d, 1810, he refers to a notification he had made of the repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees by the court of France, and reminds his lordship that the day was now passed on which that repeal was to take effect, and that therefore, according to the repeated pledges of the British government, its relinquishment of the system adopted in consequence of those decrees, was indispensable. Mr. Pinckney then informs the American Secretary of State that no steps had been taken, or apparently thought of, towards the revocation of the British orders, and that in the

King's actual state the orders in council can scarcely be formally recalled, even if the cabinet are so inclined; but that something might be done, though he has no reason to expect that any thing will be done which will be productive of immediate advantage.

At the time when these papers were laid before Congress, there was brought forward the draught of a "Bill, supplementary to the Act, concerning the commercial intercourse between the United States, and Great Britain and France," consisting of a number of articles. It begins with enact ing, that in case Great Britain shall so revoke or modify her edicts as that they shall cease to violate the neutral commerce of the United States, the President of the United States shall declare the fact by a proclamation, which shall be considered as a revocation of all the restrictions and penalties imposed by this act, and by that to which it is a supplement. Then follow the articles, of which the principal purposeis, after the 2d of February following, to interdict to all British ships, the entrance of the ports and harbours of the United States; and to prohibit the importation of goods or merchandize of any kind from any port in Great Britain and Ireland, or the colonies and dependencies thereof, and also of goods, &c. being of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the same, from any foreign port. The commercial interest made a considerable opposition to this bill, and certain modifications were adopted, in favour of goods shipped before the period when its operation was to commence; it

was then passed into a law by a decided majority.

Mr. Pinckney, on March 1st, had his audience of leave from the Prince Regent. When this circumstance was mentioned in parliament, as implying that all negotiations were at an end with the United States, the minister attempted to soften the inference by saying that a chargé-d'affaires would be left, through whom any new proposals might be transmitted; it is, however, certain that Mr. Pinckney considered his mission as quite concluded. He thus expresses himself in a letter to Mr. Smith, Secretary to the United States:-"I had my audience of leave at Carleton House yesterday. In the course of the short address which the occasion required, I stated to the Prince Regent the grounds upon which it had become my duty to take my leave, and to commit the business of the legation to a chargé-d'affaires; and I concluded by expressing my regret, that my humble efforts in the execution of the instructions of my government, to set to rights the embarrassed and disjointed relations of the two countries, had wholly failed, and that I saw no reason to expect that the great work of their reconciliation was likely to be accomplished through any other agency. The Prince's reply was of course general; but I ought to say, that (exclusively of phrases of courtesy) it contained explicit declarations of the most amicable views and feelings towards the United States."

From this time the Americans acted as if the French edicts were revoked, and the English orders

in council still enforced; whence the ships of the former power were admitted into its ports, while those of the latter were excluded. The ships under French colours, frequenting the ports of the United States, were almost all privateers, eager to make prize of all vessels to which they could lay the most dubious claim; whence complaints soon arose of their capturing American ships bound to Spain or Portugal, choosing to regard them as enemies' countries. The Americans had likewise much cause of displeasure with the Danes, whose privateers took many of their ships laden with colonial produce for the northern ports of Europe. From these reasons for dissatisfaction, joined to the loss of their trade with Great Britain, the party in America, in opposition to govern ment, the strength of which was in the eastern states, was loud in its expressions of discontent.

Whilst a suspension of amity, or rather an alienation, was thus subsisting between England and the United States, an incident occurred which appeared likely to have involved the two nations in immediate hostility. The American frigate President, having fallen in with the British sloop of war Little Belt, on the American coast, an action was brought on, which terminated in a severe loss of men to the latter vessel. The circum stances in which both parties agree are the following. The ships coming in sight of each other on the forenoon of May 16th, about 14 or 15 leagues from Cape Henry, Capt. Bingham, of the Little Belt, gave chase, and soon discovered the other ship to be a man of war, which, upon descrying him, bore

down towards him. Capt. Bingham made all sail southwards, and was followed in chase by Commodore Rodgers in the President, who evidently gained upon the other. At half past six, Capt. Bingham, who had discerned the stars in the President's broad pendant,brought to, hoisted his colours, had his guns double shotted, and every preparation made against a surprise. Commodore Rodgers, who affirms that he had not been able to make out what nation the chase was of, took a position to windward of her, and about a quarter past eight got within hail. Now come the variances in the narratives of the two commanders. Capt. Bingham thus states the matter: "I hailed, and asked what ship it was. He repeated my question. Iagain hailed, and asked what ship it was. He again repeated my words, and fired a broadside, which I immediately returned." Commod. Rodgers, on the other hand says, "I hailed, what ship is that? To this inquiry no answer was given; but I was hailed by her commander, what ship is that? After a pause of 15 or 20 seconds, I reiterated my first inquiry; and before I had time to take the trumpet from my mouth, was answered by a shot that went into our main mast." He goes on to state, that while he was in the act of giving an order to fire a shot in return, a shot was fired by the second division of his ship, which was instantly answered by three others in quick succession from his antagonist, and soon after by his whole broadside. The action, however, brought on, thenceforth became general, and lasted about three quarters of an hour, when a suspension ensuing, the