Pennsylvania to hold sixteen hundred militia in readi

ness.

Congress have been made so fully acquainted with the difficulties of every kind, under which the military department labors, that they must be sensible nothing but the most vigorous exertions on the part of the States to supply men, provisions, and the means of transportation, can enable me to prosecute to effect the operations, which I have agreed, in conjunction with the army of our allies, to undertake, or indeed any other. At the time I made my requisitions upon them, I advanced every argument in my power to induce a compliance; but, should I find any hesitation, I shall hope for the countenance and support of Congress.

I am very apprehensive of a formidable invasion of the northern frontier, as the enemy from Canada are undoubtedly collecting in considerable force at Crown Point. Should this be the case, it will cause a very unfortunate diversion, and be very embarrassing just at this time, when our whole force will be required here. The necessity, which I clearly foresee we shall be under, of taking every man, who can be spared from other duties, into the field, induces me to request an order for such men of the invalid corps at Boston and Philadelphia, as are fit for garrison duty, to march to West Point, where their services will be the same as those upon which they are now employed, and where they may be very useful.

There has been a necessity of abandoning the post of Fort Schuyler, and removing the garrison and stores to the German Flats. The barracks had been, at the beginning of this month, consumed by fire, and the works so exceedingly damaged by a heavy storm of rain, that they were rendered indefensible; nor could they be repaired in any reasonable time by the number

of men, who could be spared as a garrison. BrigadierGeneral Clinton recommended the evacuation of the post, as the only alternative, to which I the more readily consented, as it had been for some time past the opinion of the officers best acquainted with that part of the country, that a post at the German Flats would be more easily supported, and equally advantageous to the security of the frontier. I am, &c.

TO BRIGADIER-GENERAL DUPORTAIL.

New Windsor, 28 May, 1781.

DEAR SIR, As you are perfectly acquainted with the plan, which has been concerted with his Excellency Count de Rochambeau at Weathersfield, I need not enter into a detail of particulars. I have only to request, therefore, that you will be pleased to make the estimates of the articles in your department necessary for the operation, and that the previous arrangements for the siege, as far as they are within the limits of our ability, may be put in the best train, which the circumstances will admit. In the mean time, as it has become necessary, from the decay of the works, the demolition of the barracks, and other circumstances, to abandon the post of Fort Schuyler, and erect new fortifications, at or near Fort Herkimer, I have to request, that you will send an engineer to superintend the works in that department. I am, dear Sir, &c.

TO COLONEL ELIAS DAYTON.

DEAR SIR,

New Windsor, 28 May, 1781.

The late accounts from New York are mysterious and perplexing, but they at any rate demand that we should be in readiness to move. You will therefore concentre as much as possible your brigade, and put them under marching orders. The parties at the Clove are not to be immediately called in, but the officers commanding them should be warned to be in readiness. Should an evacuation of New York take place, as many strongly suspect, the troops under your command will be next in order for detachment. You will therefore desire the officers to make preparation for a move farther than merely to join the main body of the army. As I am very anxious to learn what they are really doing in New York, you will oblige me by obtaining and sending me as accurate intelligence as possible. I am, &c.

TO JOHN SULLIVAN, IN CONGRESS.

DEAR SIR,

New Windsor, 29 May, 1781.

No arguments were necessary to convince me of the very great public utility, which would result from the success of the plan you proposed laying before Congress. Had I been unapprized of the advantages, which might be derived to our cause from a successful attempt, or even a powerful diversion in that quarter, the reasons you have offered would have carried irrefragable demonstration with them, and induced me to be of your opinion. But the distressed and embarrass

ed state of our affairs, on account of supplies, with which you are well acquainted, the languid efforts of the States to procure men, and the insuperable difficulties in the way of transportation, would, I apprehend, have rendered the scheme abortive in the first instance. And I must inform you, that there is yet another obstacle, which makes the attempt you have suggested absolutely impracticable by the means you propose, but which I am not at liberty to commit to paper for fear of the same misfortune, which has already happened to some of my letters.

You will have seen before the receipt of this, by my public letter to Congress of the 27th instant, the result of the deliberations of the Count de Rochambeau and myself at Weathersfield. That plan, upon the maturest consideration, and after combining all the present circumstances and future prospects, appeared, though precarious, far the most eligible of any we could possibly devise, whilst we are inferior at sea. The object was considered to be of greater magnitude, and more within our reach, than any other. The weakness of the garrison at New York, the central position for drawing together men and supplies, and the spur, which an attempt against that place, would give to every exertion, were among the reasons, which prompted to that undertaking, and promised the fairest prospect of success, unless the enemy should recall a considerable part of their force from the southward. And even in this case, the same measure, which might produce disappointment in one quarter, would certainly in the event afford the greatest relief in another. While an opportunity presents itself of striking the enemy a fatal blow, I will persuade myself, that the concurring exertions of Congress, of the several States immediately concerned, and of every individual in them, who is well affected

to our cause, will be united in yielding every possible aid. At this crisis, while I rejoice at the appointment of the minister of finance, I have sincerely to regret, that the ministers of the other departments have not also been appointed, especially a minister of war. At the same time I am happy to learn, that the mode of promotion is on the point of being finally established. With the highest sentiments of regard, I am, &c.*

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

MY DEAR MARQUIS,

New Windsor, 31 May, 1781.

Your conduct upon every occasion meets my approbation, but in none more than in your refusing to hold a

* This letter was intercepted by the enemy, sent to the British ministry, and published in the London Gazette on the 14th of July. Others of a similar tenor were also intercepted, and Sir Henry Clinton seems to have considered them as written for that purpose, and designedly put in the way of being taken. It has been said, that he believed they were meant to deceive, and that Washington's plans were actually the reverse of those mentioned in the letters. British historians have adopted this idea, and commended it as an evidence of well-timed address on the part of the American general. (Annual Register for 1781, p. 123. — AnDREWS's History of the Late War, Vol. IV. p. 198.) It is certain, however, that no such deception was intended, and that the letters expressed the real designs of the Commander-in-chief. The first impressions of Sir Henry Clinton on the subject were confirmed, by a confidential letter from the Marquis de Chastellux to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, intercepted nearly at the same time, in which the writer stated that a combined attack on New York had been determined upon, and took to himself much credit for bringing over Count de Rochambeau to General Washington's opinion. The letter also contained free remarks on the deportment of the French commander, and the reserve in which he held himself as to consulting with his subordinate officers. A copy of this letter was carefully transmitted from New York to Count de Rochambeau, it being doubtless deemed well suited to breed strife in the French camp. It had not this effect, but it was received with displeasure by Count de Rochambeau. "I sent for the Marquis de Chastellux," said he; "I showed him the letter; I then threw it into the fire, and left him a prey to his own reflections."-Mémoires de Rochambeau, Tom. I. p. 274.