to the settlement of accounts, that the several States be called upon to complete without delay the settlements with their respective lines of the army, up to the 1st day of August, 1783, and that the superintendent of finance be directed to take such measures as shall appear to him most proper for effecting the settlement from that period.

"As to what relates to the providing security for what shall be found due on such settlement;

"Resolved, That the troops of the United States, in common with all creditors of the same, have an undoubted right to expect such security; and that Congress will make every effort in their power to obtain, from the respective States, substantial funds, adequate to the object of funding the whole debt of the United States, and will enter upon an immediate and full consideration of the nature of such funds, and the most likely mode of obtaining them.

"Ordered, That the remainder of the report be referred to a committee of five."

General Knox had been appointed on the part of the army to correspond with the committee respecting the objects of their commission, and he received from them the following report.

"DEAR SIR,

"Philadelphia, 8 February, 1783.

"The army has, no doubt, been anxious to hear from us, and we should have had as much pleasure in communicating to them any success of our application for them, as they in receiving it; but nothing of any moment has yet been decided for them. We spent the first week after our arrival in conversing with the members of Congress on the subject of the address, to prepare them for the reception of it before it was read, lest the want of information should retard a favorable resolution on it. On its being read, a committee was appointed to confer with us, consisting of a member from each State but Georgia, which was unrepresented, and had no member attending. The financier attended at this meeting. To this committee we communicated the condition of the army, and we dilated very diffusely all the subjects stated in the address; indeed, truth and decency were the only bounds observed in our conference with them. The reason of our applying to Congress to determine on a compensation for half-pay was also minutely detailed.

"The result as to present pay will be communicated to you by Colonel Brooks. On this subject we can only commit to paper, that a month's pay in notes to the officers, and one to the noncommissioned and privates, as weekly payments of half a dollar

per week to the latter is all that can be now obtained. This grand committee appointed a sub-committee to converse with us, as occasion should require, if any new matter occurred to us; and to inspect critically into the principles of annuities, in order to determine on an equivalent for the half-pay.

"In about ten days they reported to the grand committee, that twelve years was a mean life of the ages of the officers of the army, and that six whole years' pay was equal, to the country and the army, to the half-pay for life. The committee then reported to Congress, which produced the resolutions which have been transmitted to the Commander-in-chief. That part of the report, which respected the value of the half-pay, was recommitted to a smaller committee, the number of years being considered too many.

"This committee took up some time to examine calculations on annuities, and two days ago they reported five years' whole pay as equal to the half-pay for life; but nine States would not approve the report, Georgia, Maryland, and Delaware unrepresented. We advised our friends not to press for a determination, if they could not carry the question; as the sense of Maryland and Delaware were known to be favorable to us, and their delegates were daily expected in town. On discussion in Congress, some of the members opposed to the commutation, and equally so to half-pay, expressed a desire to put off the question, to give them time for more consideration; it was accordingly granted. Thus stands the matter of commutation.

"Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North and South Carolina were for the equivalent; New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Jersey were against it. There is some prospect of getting one more of these States to vote for the commutation. If this is accomplished, with Maryland and Delaware, the question will be carried; whenever it is, as the report now stands, it will be at the election of a line, as such, to accept of the commutation or retain their claim to the half-pay, Congress being determined, that no alteration shall take place in the emolument held out to the army but by their consent.

"This rendered it unnecessary for us to consult the army on the equivalent for the half-pay. The zeal of a great number of members of Congress to get Continental funds, while a few wished to have us referred to the States, induced us to conceal what funds we wished, or expected, lest our declaration for one or the other might retard a settlement of our accounts, or a determination on the equivalent for half-pay. Indeed, some of our best friends in VOL. VIII.

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Congress declared, however desirous they were to have our accounts settled, and the commutation fixed, as well as to get funds, yet they would oppose referring us to the States for a settlement and security, till all prospect of obtaining Continental funds was at an

end.

"Whether this is near or not, as commutation for the half-pay was one of the principal objects of the address, the obtaining of that is necessary, previous to our particularizing what fund will be most agreeable to us; this must be determined by circumstances. If Congress get funds we shall be secured. If not, the equivalent settled, a principle will be established, which will be more acceptable to the eastern States than half-pay, if application must be made to them. As it is not likely that Congress will be able to determine soon on the commutation (for the reasons above-mentioned), it is judged necessary that Colonel Brooks return to the army, to give them a more particular detail of our prospects than can be done in the compass of a letter. It is however thought proper, that General McDougall should remain in Philadelphia, to endeavour at a proper time to bring on the determination of Congress on the important question, as well as to quicken the accomplishment of the other points contained in the address. In the mean time Colonel Ogden visits his family, as well as to do some business which will greatly promote the object of our being sent here. Colonel Ogden will, however, return, if it should be judged necessary. We conceive it expedient to make the army this general report, and beg leave to refer you to Colonel Brooks for a more particular one.

"We are, Sir, with great truth, your affectionate humble servants. "ALEX. MCDOUGALL. "M. OGDEN."

The representations thus communicated, in the resolves of Congress and the report of the committee, were by no means satisfactory to all the officers of the army, if indeed to any. Further measures to make known their sentiments and enforce their claims were by some of them thought necessary. In the opinion of these persons a fit occasion was now presented "for assembling the officers, not in mass, but by representation; and for passing a series of resolutions, which, in the hands of their committee, and of their auxiliaries in Congress, would furnish a new and powerful lever for operating on the two dissenting States. But to this end, there was yet wanting the interposition of a hand, which should touch with some ability the several chords of sympathy and feeling that be

longed to the case, and thus secure to the deliberations and their result that tone and energy, without which they would be a dead letter." The person designated for writing an address to the army, suited to this object, was Major Armstrong (since General Armstrong), then a young man and General Gates's aid-de-camp. In compliance with "the solicitations of his friends," he undertook and executed the task.* On the 10th of March were circulated anonymously in the army the following Notification and Address.

ANONYMOUS NOTIFICATION.

"A meeting of the general and field-officers is requested at the Public Building on Tuesday next at eleven o'clock. A commissioned officer from each company is expected, and a delegate from the medical staff. The object of this convention is, to consider the late letter from our representatives in Philadelphia, and what measures (if any) should be adopted, to obtain that redress of grievances which they seem to have solicited in vain."

FIRST ANONYMOUS ADDRESS TO THE OFFICERS OF THE ARMY.

"GENTLEMEN,

"A fellow-soldier, whose interest and affections bind him strongly to you, whose past sufferings have been as great, and whose future fortunes may be as desperate as yours, would beg leave to address you.

"Age has its claims, and rank is not without its pretensions to advice; but, though unsupported by both, he flatters himself, that the plain language of sincerity and experience will neither be unheard nor unregarded.

"Like many of you he loved private life, and left it with regret. He left it, determined to retire from the field with the necessity that called him to it, and not till then; not till the enemies of his country, the slaves of power, and the hirelings of injustice were compelled to abandon their schemes, and acknowledge America as terrible in arms as she had been humble in remonstrance. With this object in view he has long shared in your toils, and mingled in your dangers; he has felt the cold hand of poverty without a murmur, and has seen the insolence of wealth without a sigh. But too much under the direction of his wishes, and sometimes weak enough to mistake desire for opinion, he has till lately, very

*See an article in the United States Magazine, for January, 1823, (p. 41,) understood to have been written by General John Armstrong, and containing a brief history of the transactions, in which it is declared that he was the author of the NEWBURG ADDRESSES.

lately, believed in the justice of his country. He hoped, that, as the clouds of adversity scattered, and as the sunshine of peace and better fortune broke in upon us, the coldness and severity of government would relax; and that more than justice, that gratitude, would blaze forth upon those hands, which had upheld her in the darkest stages of her passage from impending servitude to acknowledged independence.

"But faith has its limits as well as temper; and there are points, beyond which neither can be stretched without sinking into cowardice or plunging into credulity. This, my friends, I conceive to be your situation; hurried to the very verge of both, another step would ruin you for ever. To be tame and unprovoked, when injuries press hard upon you, is more than weakness; but to look up for kinder usage, without one manly effort of your own, would fix your character, and show the world how richly you deserve those chains you broke. To guard against this evil, let us take a review of the ground upon which we now stand, and from thence carry our thoughts forward for a moment into the unexplored field of expedient.

"After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for which we set out is at length brought within our reach. Yes, my friends, that suffering courage of yours was active once; it has conducted the United States of America through a doubtful and bloody war; it has placed her in the chair of independency, and peace returns again to bless whom? A country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, and reward your services? A country courting your return to private life, with tears of gratitude and smiles of admiration, longing to divide with you that independency which your gallantry has given, and those riches which your wounds have preserved? Is this the case? Is this the case? Or is it rather a country, that tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries, and insults your distresses? Have you not more than once suggested your wishes, and made known your wants to Congress, wants and wishes, which gratitude and policy should have anticipated, rather than evaded? And have you not lately, in the meek language of entreating memorials, begged from their justice what you could no longer expect from their favor? How have you been answered? Let the letter, which you are called to consider to-morrow, make reply!

"If this then be your treatment, while the swords you wear are necessary for the defence of America, what have you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate by division; when those very swords, the instruments and companions