my direction, that I flatter myself my interference will not be deemed impertinent.

Upon applying to the superintendent of finance to know how far I might depend upon him for the pay, feeding, and clothing of the army for the current year, and for the sums necessary to put it and keep it in motion, he very candidly laid open to me the state of our moneyed affairs, and convinced me, that although the assistance we had derived from abroad was considerable, yet it would be by no means adequate to our expenses. He informed me further, that, to make up the deficiency, the States had been called upon by Congress for eight millions of dollars for the service of the year 1782, and showed me the copy of a circular letter from himself to the several legislatures, in which he had so fully and clearly pointed out the necessity of a compliance with the requisition, that it is needless for me to say more on that head, than that I entirely concur with him in opinion, so far as he has gone into the matter. But there are other reasons, which could not be so well known to him as they are to me, as having come under my immediate observation, and which, therefore, I shall take the liberty to mention.

Your Excellency cannot but remember the ferment, into which the whole army was thrown twelve months ago for the want of pay and a regular supply of clothing and provisions; and with how much difficulty they were brought into temper, by a partial supply of the two first, and a promise of more regular supplies of all in future. Those promises the soldiery now begin to claim; and, although we shall be able to satisfy them tolerably in respect to clothing, and perfectly in regard to provisions, if the financier is enabled to comply with

* See this letter in the Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. XI. p. 494.

his contracts, yet there is no prospect of obtaining pay, until a part of the money required of the States can be brought into the public treasury. You cannot conceive the uneasiness, which arises from the total want of so essential an article as money, and the real difficulties in which the officers in particular are involved on that account. The favorable aspect of our affairs, and the hopes that matters are in a train to afford them relief, contribute to keep them quiet; but I cannot answer for the effects of a disappointment.

Enabling the financier to comply with his contracts is a matter of the utmost consequence; the very existence of the army depends upon it. Should he fail in his payments, the contract ceases, and there is no alternative left, but to disband or live upon the seizure of the neighbouring property. The saving to the public, by feeding an army by contract, is too well known to need any illustration, and that alone ought to be a sufficient inducement to the States to find the means of adhering to it.

It will perhaps be urged, that the sum called for is immense, and beyond the ability of the country to pay. There is one plain answer to that objection, should it be made. It is, that, if the war is carried on, a certain expense must be incurred, and that such expense must be drawn from the people, either by a partial, cruel, and I may say illegal seizure of the property, which lies most convenient to the army, or by a regular and equitable tax in money or specific articles. Money, if it can be procured, is to be preferred, because it is neither liable to waste, nor is it expensive in the mode of collection or transportation. Whereas I think I may venture to say, that a great proportion of the specific articles has been wasted after the people have furnished them, and that the transportation alone of what have

reached the army has in numberless instances cost more than the value of the articles themselves.

To bring this war to a speedy and happy conclusion must be the fervent wish of every lover of his country; and sure I am, that no means are so likely to effect these as vigorous preparations for another campaign. Whether, then, we consult our true interest, substantial economy, or sound policy, we shall find, that relaxation and languor are of all things to be avoided. Conduct of that kind on our part will produce fresh hopes and new exertions on that of the enemy; whereby the war, which has already held out beyond the general expectation, may be protracted to such a length, that the people, groaning under the burthen of it, and despairing of success, may think any change a change for the better.

I will close with a request, that your Excellency will be good enough to take the first opportunity of laying these sentiments before the legislature of your State. From the attention, which they have ever been pleased to pay to any former requisitions or representations of mine, I am encouraged to hope, that the present, which is equally important with any I have ever made, will meet with a favorable reception.

I have the honor to be, &c.*

TO THE SUPERINTENDENT OF FINANCE.

Philadelphia, 25 January, 1782.

SIR,

By a letter, which General Lincoln addressed to me before he went to the eastward, I find that you approve of my plan of sending officers to the four New England States particularly, with the returns of their deficiencies of troops, and with instructions to attend upon the legislatures, and endeavour to impress them with the

profit by it. The more they multiply their exertions, the more certain will be their success in procuring the tranquillity of their country. But, if they return to their accustomed inactivity, they will give England time to repair her losses, as she seems determined to do, and to prolong the war, which it is for the interest of the United States to terminate as soon as possible. It is greatly to be desired, that, during the approaching year, America may be entirely freed from the enemy. An attempt must be made to take New York and Charleston. The Americans ought to be inspired with the greatest ardor in anticipating these two events. The King will certainly concur, as far as circumstances will permit; and, to facilitate as much as possible the preparations of Congress, his Majesty is resolved in the course of the year to make them another loan of six millions of livres, by installments of five hundred thousand a month. Let Mr. Morris, the minister of finance, be informed of this, and make his arrangements accordingly; but, let him be told in the most peremptory manner, that nothing more can be given, and that no drafts on the American agents in Europe must be made, except what are provided for out of this fund.

“It is impossible to conceive upon what grounds the Americans hope, that England is prepared to negotiate with them an advantageous peace. To convince them of the contrary, I send you a copy of all the papers, which have passed relative to the mediation. You will see by the last answer of the court of London to the mediating powers, that England still regards the Americans as rebel subjects, and will not begin a negotiation with France and Spain, till they will consent that she shall treat the colonies as she thinks proper; that is, till we will consent to abandon them. The King has not replied to the letter sent to him by the mediating powers in consequence of this answer from the court of London. You may, in the mean time, assure Congress, that the King will persist invariably in the principles of the alliance, and will never lend himself to a negotiation, which shall have for its object a direct or indirect violation of them."— MS. Letter, Versailles, December 24th, 1781.

expediency, and indeed necessity, of filling their battalions previously to the opening of the campaign.

He informed me, also, that you would be glad to give the same officers some instructions relative to the busi

ness of your department. If so, I could wish you would have your letters ready to go by the next post, by which time I expect to have the returns prepared. I have not yet fixed upon the gentlemen, but you can leave blanks for the insertion of the names of those, who may be chosen.

As we may reasonably expect to hear soon again from Sir Henry Clinton, on the subject of the meeting of commissioners, I think it would be well to be preparing the substance of the powers to be delegated to the gentlemen, to whom the transaction of the proposed business will be committed. What I would wish you to prepare particularly, is so much as will relate to the liquidation of the accounts of prisoners, and to making provision for their maintenance in future.

I have the honor to be, &c.

TO PHILIP SCHUYLER.

Philadelphia, 29 January, 1782.

DEAR SIR,

I have no doubt, from the various and essential services you have rendered to your country, that you must be extremely obnoxious to the enemy. To protect your person against any insidious attempts from them, a guard was therefore ordered from the New York line; but, as it is important that the troops should be collected, and the corps be kept together as much as possible this winter, I should wish all the men, who are able, might join their regiments at Pompton. And,