will present themselves, and upon which we shall be obliged ultimately to form our plans. We have therefore stated them with a few short observations upon each. Your Excellency will be pleased to revolve them in your mind, and prepare your opinion by the time we shall have the pleasure of meeting you in Virginia.

First, What shall be done, if the enemy should be found with the greater part of their force in Virginia, upon the arrival of the French fleet? Secondly, What shall be done, if a detachment only shall be found there? Thirdly, What shall be done, if the British force be totally withdrawn from thence?

As to the first, it appears to us, that we ought, without loss of time, to attack the enemy with our united force.

As to the second, it appears proper to destine such part of our force as will be amply sufficient to reduce the enemy's detachment, and then determine what use shall be made of the remainder. And here two things present themselves for our consideration. The enemy will either have sent the greater part of their force from Virginia to New York or to Charleston. If to New York, (which is the least probable under present circumstances,) Charleston will have but a moderate garrison, and it may be possible to attack it to advantage. If to Charleston, then the enemy will be so superior to General Greene, that they will be able to regain the whole of the State of South Carolina, and of consequence Georgia. We therefore think, that, in this latter case, such a force at least should be detached to South Carolina, as will enable us to keep the field and confine the enemy in or near Charleston.

In the third case we mean, that, supposing the enemy should have totally evacuated Virginia, it appears to us

necessary to make a solid establishment at Portsmouth, or any other place if more proper, in order to render a fleet in the Chesapeake Bay entirely secure, and to employ the remainder of our land force and such vessels as may be proper for the service, as has been explained in the preceding article; that is, either in the siege of Charleston, if the garrison shall be found sufficient to warrant the attempt, or to cover and secure the country, should it be found otherwise.

Returning to the enterprise against New York will depend on a number of circumstances, the discussion of which we will leave until we have the happiness of a conference with your Excellency. We have only to observe, that the execution of all or any of the plans, which we have proposed, goes upon the supposition of a decided naval superiority; except that of marching a reinforcement into South Carolina.

We would beg leave to take up so much of your time, as to point out to you the vast importance of Charleston, and what advantages the enemy derive from the possession of it. It is the centre of their power in the south. By holding it they preserve a dangerous influence throughout the whole State, as it is the only port, and the only place from whence the people can procure those articles of foreign produce, which are essential to their support; and it in a great measure serves to cover and keep in subjection the State of Georgia. From thence the enemy can also establish small posts in North Carolina; and, if they maintain a post in the Chesapeake, they keep up the appearance of possessing four hundred miles upon the coast, and of consequence have a pretext for setting up claims, which may be very detrimental to the interests of America in European councils.

We are not sufficiently acquainted with the position

of Charleston (neither is it necessary at this time) to enter into a detail of the proper mode of attacking it, or of the probability which we should have of succeeding. For these we will refer you to Brigadier-General Duportail, commander of the corps of engineers in the service of the United States, who will have the honor of presenting this. That gentleman, having been in Charleston as principal engineer during the greater part of the siege, and in the environs of it as a prisoner of war a considerable time afterwards, had opportunities of making very full observations, which he judiciously improved.

A variety of cases, different from those we have stated, may occur. It is for this reason we have thought proper to send General Duportail to your Excellency. He is fully acquainted with every circumstance of our affairs in this quarter, and we recommend him to you as an officer, in whose abilities and in whose integrity you may place the fullest confidence. We would observe, that it will be very essential to the despatch of the business in contemplation, for you to send up the Elk River, at the head of the Chesapeake Bay, all your frigates, transports, and vessels proper for the conveyance of the French and American troops down the bay. We shall endeavour to have as many as can be found in Baltimore and other ports secured, but we have reason to believe they will be very few. We have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, attachment, esteem, &c.*

* This letter was signed jointly by General Washington and Count de Rochambeau. It will have been seen by the preceding letters, that the thoughts of General Washington had for several days been turned towards a southern expedition, instead of an attack on New York; and the arrival of the reinforcement of Hessians in that city on the 11th had added still stronger motives for this change of plan. After receiving intelligence from Count de Grasse, therefore, that he should sail directly VOL. VIII.

L

TO THE SUPERINTENDENT OF FINANCE.

Head-Quarters, Dobbs's Ferry, 17 August, 1781.

DEAR SIR, I have in confidence imparted to you the alteration of our late plan, and made you acquainted with our intended operations. Besides the provision necessary at the Head of Elk to carry the troops down the bay, a very considerable quantity will be wanted in Virginia. I should suppose three hundred barrels of flour, as

sue.

to the Chesapeake, no time was lost in determining what course to purThe news came from Count de Barras. Diary, July 14th. "Received despatches from the Count de Barras, announcing the intended departure of Count de Grasse from Cape François with between twenty-five and twenty-nine sail of the line, and three thousand two hundred land troops, on the 3d instant, for the Chesapeake Bay; and the anxiety of the latter to have every thing in the most perfect readiness to commence our operations at the moment of his arrival, as he should be under the necessity, from particular engagements with the Spaniards, to be in the West Indies by the middle of October. The Count de Barras at the same time intimated his intentions of an enterprise against Newfoundland; in opposition to which both Count de Rochambeau and myself remonstrated, as being impolitic and dangerous under the probability of Rodney's coming on this coast.

"Matters having now come to a crisis, and a decided plan to be determined on, I was obliged, from the shortness of Count de Grasse's promised stay on this coast, the apparent disinclination of their naval officers to force the harbour of New York, and the feeble compliance of the States with my requisitions for men hitherto, and the little prospect of greater exertion in future, to give up all ideas of attacking New York, and instead thereof to remove the French troops and a detachment from the American army to the Head of Elk, to be transported to Virginia for the purpose of coöperating with the force from the West Indies against the troops in that State."

In the letter, which accompanied the despatches above mentioned, Count de Barras said, that Count de Grasse did not require him to form a junction with the West India squadron, but left him at liberty to undertake any other enterprise, which he might think proper. In conformity with this permission, and with the spirit of the original but contingent instructions from the ministers, he proposed an expedition to Newfoundland, and said he should wish to take with him the land forces, that had been left at Newport under M. de Choisy. This step was strongly disapproved

many of salt meat, and eight or ten hogsheads of rum would be sufficient at Elk. For what will be consumed in Virginia, I imagine the order must be general, as we can neither ascertain the number of men, who will be drawn together, or the time they will be employed.

I have written to the Count de Grasse, and have requested him to send up his light vessels of every kind to Elk; but I would nevertheless wish to have all that may be at Baltimore and the upper parts of the bay secured. I shall therefore be obliged to you to take measures at a proper time for that purpose. When

by both General Washington and Count de Rochambeau; and, as soon as he received their remonstrance against it, Count de Barras resolved to proceed to the Chesapeake.

It is probable, likewise, that some degree of personal feeling had its influence on the wishes of Count de Barras. In the council of war, which was held some time before respecting the removal of the fleet to Boston, after a debate indicating a little warmth among the officers, Count de Rochambeau represents M. de Barras as using the following language. "No person is more interested than I am in the arrival of M. de Grasse in these seas. He was my junior; he has just been appointed lieutenantgeneral. At the moment his approach is made known, I shall set sail to put myself under his orders. I will finish this campaign; I will never make another."-Mémoires de Rochambeau, Tom. I. p. 276. Hence it appears, that the two naval commanders stood in a delicate relation to each other; and it may be presumed, that this was the reason why Count de Grasse left Count de Barras at liberty to join him or not, as he should be inclined; and also why the latter preferred a separate enterprise.

The same anecdote is mentioned by M. Soulés (Histoire des Troubles de l'Amérique Anglaise, Tom. III. p. 372), whose work on the American revolution is the best written and most authentic in the French language. The author had access to public documents in the department of war; but all the particulars relating to the operations of Rochambeau's army are taken almost word for word from a narrative, which had been drawn up by Count de Rochambeau, and which was afterwards published as a part of his Mémoires. A large portion of M. Soulés' book was read in manuscript by Count de Rochambeau, and also by the minister of war; and, although this process might contribute to its accuracy, yet it would hardly leave unshackled the author's independence and judgment.

See a letter from Count de Grasse to Count de Rochambeau in the APPENDIX, No. IV.