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calculated to stagger even the most sanguine.
It was useful to mark the progress of the expen-
diture, till it had at length arisen to its present
portentous amount. In 1808 the war expendi-
ture amounted to forty-five millions; in 1809, to
fifty millions; in 1810, to forty-six millions; in
1811, to fifty-two millions; in 1812, to fifty-five
millions; in 1813, to fifty-seven millions; in
1814, to sixty-three millions; and in 1815, to
seventy-two millions!

These facts were not disputed; but it was
held that the expenditure of the present year,
though enormous, was rendered indispensable
was rendered indispensable
by the situation of this country and of Europe,
and the resolutions of the chancellor of the ex-
chequer were agreed to without opposition.

1815

Another question, much more gratifying to BOOK V.
the royal family in its results, and more in unison
with the feelings of the nation, was brought CHAP.VIII.
before parliament on the 4th of July. On this
occasion, Sir John Marjoribanks, after disclaim-
ing all personal views in the motion, moved
"that the thanks of this house be give to his
Royal Highness the Duke of York, captain-
general and commander-in-chief of the British
forces, for his continual, effectual, and unremit-
ting attention to the duties of his office during a
period of more than twenty years, during which
time the army has improved in discipline and in
science to an extent unknown before, and has,
under providence, risen to the height of military
glory." After several other members had deli-
vered their sentiments, Mr. Whitbread said, he
knew not how to object to the motion, without
the appearance of ingratitude, after the noble
tribute paid to his royal highness by the Duke
of Wellington on his late memorable triumph.
Under such circumstances, he could not with-
hold his sanction from the present vote.

This vote terminated the parliamentary life
of one of the most able and upright men that
ever held a seat in the British senate. In two
days afterwards, Mr. Whitbread, the incorrup-
tible friend of his country and of his species,
breathed his last-but not according to the com-
mon ordination of our nature. The loss of such
a man, under any circumstances, would have in-
flicted a deep wound on the feelings of his coun-
try; but his premature death, by his own hands,
put the national fortitude to a trial of singular
severity. For several months past a morbid me-
lancholy and lethargic stupor were observed to
be fast stealing over the once powerful mind of
Mr. Whitbread. His talents for public business
became impaired; his conversation, at intervals,
was incoherent, and imbecile; and to aggravate
his malady, he was himself fully sensible of the
rapid decay of his mental energies. Frequently
he was heard to complain that his public life was
extinct-that he was derided-in short, that he
had become "an outcast of society."
feelings were succeeded by decided symptoms
of mental alienation, and in the morning of the
6th of July he was found in his room, with his
throat cut from ear to ear, and that tongue for
ever mute from which listening senates had so
frequently drawn instruction and delight. Men
of all parties bore testimony to the public and
private worth of this distinguished statesman.

A message from the prince regent was pre-
sented to parliament on the 27th of June, an-
nouncing that his royal brother, Prince Ernest,
Duke of Cumberland, had, with the consent of
his royal highness, contracted an alliance in
marriage with the Princess of Salm, and re-
commending that a suitable provision should be
made by parliament in order to enable their
royal highnesses to support the rank and dignity
becoming their station. Lord Castlereagh, in
moving that the message should be taken into
consideration, stated, that the junior branches of
the royal family had each an allowance of eigh-
teen thousand a year, and moved that an addi-
tion of six thousand should be made to the
Duke of Cumberland, the same to be settled on
the duchess during her life. The motion for the
proposed grant was resisted on account of the
present state of the country, and the many
large and merited claims upon its liberality.
The royal family, it was observed, had already
an income from the nation amounting to a mil-
lion sterling annually. The unsuitable nature
of the marriage was urged as another objection
to the grant. The king, it was said, would
never have consented to an union that would
operate to the prejudice of domestic virtue.
The queen bad expressed herself strongly
against the alliance, and said, that the Duke of
Cumberland ought not to have married a person
whose marriage with the Duke of Cambridge
had been broken off. It was presumed also, that
the princess herself must have had some fortune
from her former husbands, Prince Louis of
Prussia, and the Prince of Salm; but even sup-
posing that she had no fortune, yet eighteen
thousand a year on the continent would be equal
to thirty thousand in this country, and with such
an income, all the splendour and dignity of their
rank might be maintained. The proposed addi-
tion to the duke's income, which was discussed
with much animation in every stage of its pro-
gress, was finally lost in the house of commons

These

Accustomed to defend his opinions with earnestness and warmth, the energies of his admirable and comprehensive mind would never permit the least appearance of tameness or indifference; but no particle of animosity ever found a place in his breast, and, to use his own

!

CHAP. VIII.

1815

BOOK V. never carried his political animosity beyond the
threshold of the house of commons.' His elo-
quent appeals in favour of the unfortunate-ap-
peals exhibiting the frankness and the honesty of
the true English character, will adorn the pages
of the historian; although at the present mo-
ment they afford a subject of melancholy retro-
spect to those who have formerly dwelt with
delight, on the benevolence of a heart which
always beat, and on the vigour of an intellect
which was always employed, for the benefit of
his fellow creatures."* "Well had the cha-
racter of Mr. Whitbread been termed 'a true
English character.' Even his defects, trifling
as they were, and what man is altogether with-
out them? were those which belong to the Eng-
lish character. Never had there existed a more
complete Englishman. All who knew him must
recollect the indefatigable earnestness and per-
severance with which, during the course of his
life, he directed his talents and the whole of his
time to the public interest. When he conceived
that his duty to the public required such a sacri-
fice, he had shown that he was capable of con-
trolling the strongest feelings of personal attach-
ment. Even those who differed from him on
many political questions, nevertheless considered
him one of those public treasures, the loss of
which all parties would deplore. The important
assistance which his zeal and ability had afforded
in promoting the abolition of the Slave Trade
could never be forgotten. On every occasion,
indeed, in which the condition of human beings
was concerned, (and the lower their state the
stronger their recommendation to his favour) no
man was more anxious to apply his great powers
to increase the happiness of mankind."+
the friends of the deceased senator it must
afford consolation, to know that those who dif-
fered most from him in politics did justice to
his manly character, honoured the virtues of his
heart, and never, for a moment, doubted, that
in all he did he was actuated solely by a love of
his country." His private life, however amia-
ble, was merged in the superior importance of
his public character. He died in the 57th year of
his age, leaving Lady Elizabeth his wife, (sister
of Earl Grey) with two sons and two daughters,
to lament a loss great to society, and to them
irreparable.

"To

The melancholy death of the illustrious commoner, the friend of peace, the advocate of reform, and the zealous and consistent supporter of religious freedom, cast a gloom over the close of the session of parliament, which even the splendid conquest of our arms could not wholly dispel. On the 12th parliament was prorogued; and the prince regent, in his speech

* The Marquis of Tavistock.

from the throne, congratulated the members on the glorious and ever memorable victory obtained at Waterloo, by Field-marshal the Duke of Wellington, and Prince Blucher-a victory which had exalted the military reputation of the country beyond all former example, and delivered from invasion the dominions of the King of the Netherlands, and in the short space of fifteen days placed the city of Paris and a large part of the kingdom of France in the military occupation of the allied armies. The brilliant and rapid successes of the Austrian arms at the opening of the campaign had led to the restoration of the kingdom of Naples to its ancient sovereign, and to the deliverance of that portion of Italy from foreign influence and dominion. His christian majesty, had been again restored to his capital. The restoration of peace with America had been followed by a negociation- for a commercial treaty, which he had every reason to hope would be terminated upon conditions calculated to cement the good understanding subsisting between the two countries, and equally beneficial to the interests of both. His royal highness had great pleasure in acquainting his parliament, that the labours of the congress at Vienna had been brought to an end by the signature of a treaty, which would be laid before them at their next meeting. He could not release them from their attendance, without assuring them, that it was in a great degree to the support they had afforded him, that the success of his earnest endeavours for the public welfare was to be ascribed; and in the further prosecution of such measures as might be necessary to bring the great contest in which we were engaged to an honourable and satisfactory conclusion, he relied with confidence upon the experience, zeal, and steady loyalty, of all classes of his majesty's subjects.

The restoration of the Bourbons, referred to in the speech from the throne, led almost immediately to a state of peace with France. The allied armies, indeed, were not withdrawn, but hostilities ceased. The war had been of short duration; and while it continued, it could scarcely be said to have disturbed or impeded in England the operation of the effects of the peace which was concluded in the summer of the former year. The era of peace may therefore be dated from the 30th of May, 1814, and its influence upon the agriculture, the trade, and the finances of Great Britain, traced up to that time. In all wars, the real and actual effects which they are calculated to produce cannot possibly be known, or even accurately conjectured, till they are brought to a close; but this remark, though of general application, has peculiar force and pro

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priety as bearing upon the revolutionary wars,
from which Great Britain had just extricated
herself. The nature and object, as well as the
duration, of these wars, were so different to any
that had ever before been waged; their scale
was so extensive, and the means employed so
extraordinary, that the country was disabled
from anticipating in their progress in what state
she would be left at their termination. It was
known indeed that depression, lassitude, and
weakness, in the body politic, as well as in the
natural body, bear an exact proportion to the
stimulus by which both have been raised to
exertion; that while that stimulus lasts no
fatigue is felt; that we seem to be endued with
supernatural vigour and strength, and to be
unconscious of our approaching weakness; but
no sooner is the stimulus withdrawn than more
than usual weakness falls upon us. So it is with
nations; the evil is not in peace but in war.
The cause of debility in a man accustomed to
indulge in the use of ardent spirits, is not
sobriety but intoxication. The lassitude is, to be
sure, felt when he is sober, but it is contracted
by intemperance. If, therefore, our agriculture,
trade, and finances, now feel an unusual degree
of depression, the evil is not to be imputed to
the country having too soon returned to a state
of peace, but to the necessity, no matter how
created, under which she was placed, of so long
continuing the war.

At the commencement of the revolutionary
wars, and until France had over-run part of the
continent, British agriculture was affected only
by these as by former wars. But just about the
time when the victories of France had enabled
her to close some of the most productive ports
of the continent against us, this country was
visited by a scanty harvest. The natural and
necessary consequences followed; the price of
all kinds of grain rose suddenly and enormously;
the profits of the farmer rose nearly in the same
proportion; the demand for farms became
urgent; rents were advanced excessively; and
the price of corn, which had been increased by
accidental circumstances, was thus sustained by
a certain and regular cause. The success of
The success of
the French still continued, and the efforts of
Napoleon being directed uniformly to our ex-
clusion from the continent, it followed, that
though our harvests produced an average crop,
yet, from the causes just stated, operating with
the increased capital of the farmer, the waste
of war, and the facilities created by an exten-
sive issue of paper money, as well provincial as
national, the price of corn still continued high;
the competition for farms rather increased than
diminished, and in a few years the rents of land
were doubled. As a collateral consequence of
this state of things, the wages of the labouring

classes were advanced; the farmer could no
longer be contented with that mode of living
which his forefathers had pursued, his profits, he
conceived, justified him in aspiring to a more
elevated sphere, and rents, profits, and labour,
all conspired to elevate and sustain the price of
agricultural produce. This state of things con-
tinued, with few interruptions, till the power of
Napoleon began to decline. The ports of the
continent then in succession resumed their in-
tercourse with Great Britain, foreign grain was
poured into the home market, and the British
farmer, under the pressure of heavy rents, in-
creased taxes, and high wages, was undersold
in his own market. To avert the ruin with
which agriculture was threatened, particularly
in Ireland, where the operation of this revulsion
was first felt, the prospectus of a corn bill, for
allowing the free exportation and increasing the
importation price of corn, was submitted to the
British parliament. The progress of this mea.
sure, or rather this series of measures, has been
already detailed, and it has been seen that, as a
measure of relief, no immediate benefit flowed
from it to that class of society which it was in-
tended to assist. A much more effectual and
permanent remedy is to be found in the reduction
of rents and taxes; as to the former, it is due to
the land-owners to say, that a considerable re-
duction has already taken place in almost every
district in the kingdom; and of the latter, that
the final repeal of the property tax will afford a
considerable portion of relief to every branch of
the agricultural interest.

When the first French revolutionary war
commenced, Great Britain, having thoroughly
recovered from the effects of the American war,
had sprung rapidly forward in the career of im-
provement in all those branches of industry
which constitute the strength, and contribute
to the wealth, of a nation. It was soon ascer-
tained, that the new contest in which she was
engaged, as it differed from all preceding wars
in its origin, would also differ from them in its
effects on our manufactures and commerce.
Preceding wars had for the most part been
purely belligerent, in the usual acceptation of
that term; they were directed solely to the
destruction or curtailment of the naval and mili-
tary power of the adverse nations, the commerce
of which suffered indeed, but only incidentally,
and in a comparatively trifling degree.
But in
the wars of the French revolution the case was
widely different: it was soon perceived by the
French government, that Great Britain was the
soul of the alliances formed against them; and
they were equally convinced that the strength
of Britain lay in her manufactures and her com-
merce. All the varying governments of France,
therefore, republican, consular, and imperial,

BOOK V.

CHAP. VIII.

1815

those who thus embarked their capital, or bought
upon their credit, either suffer themselves or in-
flict sufferings on others.

It is not easy to point out the method by
which the commerce of this country may regain
its honourable character and wholesome and
nourishing qualities; nor to foresee into what
state it will settle should peace continue for
several years.
With regard to this latter topic,
some conjecture may however be formed from a
survey of the advantages we still possess, and
the disadvantages under which our commerce
labours as compared with other nations. With
regard to our advantages, we possess a capital
far exceeding any which foreign nations can
hope to acquire for a great number of years;
and this capital, if we keep at peace, must accu-
mulate at a much more rapid rate than it has
hitherto done. Our next advantage may be
stated to be our coal mines, so beneficial, and
indeed indispensable, to the prosperity of manu-
factures, where machinery is extensively intro-
duced, and where that most potent and valuable
of all machines-the steam engine, is in con-
tinual operation. A third advantage consists in
the peculiar excellency of our workmen, uniting
in themselves qualities which are not found com-
bined in any other workmen in the world. In
other countries the workmen may be more active,
but their activity soon dies away; whereas a
British operative manufacturer or mechanic goes
on steadily and unweariedly. Other workinen
Other workmen
may possess greater quickness of intellect, but
none with so much perseverance unite so much
command of thought, and produce so many ad-
vantageous practical results.

The disadvantages under which the manu-
factures and commerce of Great Britain labour,
are found, first, in an immense taxation. The
price which her manufacturers obtain for their
articles in foreign markets must not only replace
what has been paid for the raw material, and
what has been consumed during the process of
the manufacture, as well as the profit of the
manufacturer, but it must also pay a certain sum
to the national creditor, at the same time that it
contributes to the current expenses of the state.
Another disadvantage opposed to our capital and

1815

skill, may arise from the higher rate of labour in BOOK V. this country, and from the master-manufacturer requiring larger profits, as occupying a higher CHAP. VIII. rank in society here than upon the continent. This disadvantage may however be considered dubious, because it is not fair to compare the wages of a workman in this country with the wages of a workman abroad; the proper comparison is between the price paid in Great Britain and other countries for the same quantity of work. For it is evident, that a workman here, being more persevering and expert, and especially with the assistance of machinery, will produce more work in the same time, and is in reality deserving of much higher wages. With respect to the greater profits expected by the master-manufacturer, it may be remarked, that greater profits may arise either from a larger per centage on the same capital, or the same per centage on a larger capital; and it is undoubted, that in this country the per centage of profit upon the capital is smaller than on the continent, the larger profits arising from the greater capital employed, and the rapid improvements made in every branch of our manufacture.

A short exposition of the financial situation of the country at the close of the revolutionary wars, will follow with propriety the cursory review just taken of our agriculture, our manufactures, and our commerce. The observations on these topics have been drawn principally from a publication amply stored with materials for history, and which may be consulted with advantage by the politician and the man of business.* The expenses of all descriptions, incurred during the wars of the French revolution, far exceed those incurred during any former wars. The hostile operations, both as regards Great Britain herself and the powers she subsidized, were on a much larger scale; the value of money had greatly depreciated; and the duration and inveteracy of the contest called forth exertions, and demanded sacrifices, unexampled perhaps in the annals of the world. A war of such a nature, comprising gigantic naval and military operations,t and employing at one and the same time more than a million of warriors, of various descriptions, could not be conducted without an expense

New Annual Register.

+ For the principal part of the war there were in commission, refitting, and in ordinary, 261 ships of the line, 36 ships of 50 guns each, 264 frigates, 177 sloops, 14 bombs, 172 brigs, 46 cutters, and 64 schooners, navigated and fought by 147,000 seamen, and 32,000 marines.

The year 1812 may be considered as a fair standard whereby to judge of the national force in the latter years of the war.