BOOK IV. vinces ceded by the Prussian Monarch, and others in the possession of the French Emperor. The CHAP. II. recognition of Jerome Bonaparte, as the sovereign of this new state, also of the Kings of 1807 Holland and Naples, and of all the present and future members of the confederation of the Rhine, was yielded to on the part of Prussia, with the consent to close her ports and become a party in the maritime war against England. By the publication of the treaty with Russia, which was for some time delayed, it appeared that the two emperors mutually guaranteed to each other the integrity of their possessions, and of those of the other powers included in the treaty. The Kings of Holland, Naples, and Westphalia, were to be recognized by Russia; the offer of a mediation to effect a peace between France and England was accepted, on the condition that, within one month from the ratification, England should admit this mediation. It was also stipulated that hostilities should immediately cease between Russia and the Ottoman Porte; and the Emperor of Russia agreed to accept the mediation of the Emperor of France, for the conclusion of a peace between the two powers. The independence of Dantzic; the military high-way between Saxony and the duchy of Warsaw; the annexation of part of Russian Poland to the empire of Russia! formed also articles in the Prussian treaty. The restoration of the Dukes of Saxe Cobourg, Oldenburg, and Mecklenburg Schwerin, to the quiet possession of their dominions, was acceded to by France. The confederation of the Rhine was explicitly acknowledged by the Emperor of Russia; who engaged equally to acknowledge the princes or states that might hereafter be added to this union, on the communication of such change by the French government, The great sacrifice to peace was of course made by the kingdom of Prussia, which was reduced at once from the rank of a primary to the situation of a secondary power of Europe; and all that had been done for the augmentation and aggrandizement of the monarchy by the Great Frederick, in the course of twenty years, was resigned in one day. The King of Prussia, by the peace of Tilsit, together with an immense territory, lost nearly the half of his yearly revenues, and five millions of his subjects. On the whole, Prussia was brought back nearly to the state in which she stood on the 1st of January, 1772, before the balance of Europe had been destroyed by the infamous partition of Poland. It could not but be noticed that no provisions were introduced into the published treaty respecting Cattaro; but by a secret treaty Russia agreed to cede Corfu, and the Seven Islands, to France, and became a party to that part of the treaty between France and Prussia, by which the vessels and trade of Great Britain were to be excluded from the ports of the Baltic. These circumstances rendered it clear, that at the time of the execution of the treaty of Tilsit, many of its provisions remained to be explored; and served to shew that the secret articles of treaties are not unfrequently of more importance than those exposed to public view. The King of Sweden refused to accede to the treaty of Tilsit, and attempted the defence of Pomerania; but being abandoned to his fate by his continental allies, his efforts were unavailing Gustavus, however, succeeded in withdrawing his forces from Stralsund before the enemy was apprised of his intention, after which he crossed the Baltic and returned into Sweden. CHAPTER III. BRITISH HISTORY: Meeting of Parliament-Debates on the late Negociation with France- called forth a number of observations from Lord BOOK IV. On Monday, the 22d of December, the On the 2d of January, the subject of the late negociation with France for the restoration of a general peace was brought under the consideration of the house of lords. The discussion was introduced by the prime minister, Lord Grenville, in a speech of considerable length, the leading points of which were embraced in the following motion: THE first session of the third parliainent of Great Britain assembled on the fifteenth of December, 1806, and was opened by commission in his majesty's name. The office of speaker again devolved by unanimous choice on the Right Honourable Charles Abbot, and the interval between the 15th and the 19th of December, was occupied in administering the usual oaths to the members. On Friday, the 19th, his majesty's speech was read by the lord chancellor. The object of the speech was to prepare the nation for the awful crisis then impending, and to animate them to adequate exertions against the formidable and increasing power of the enemy. His majesty acquainted his parliament, that his efforts for the restoration of general tranquillity, on terms consistent with the interest and honour of his people, and good faith to his allies, had been disappointed by the ambition and injustice of the enemy, who in the same moment had kindled up a fresh war in Europe, and of which the progress had been attended with the most calamitous events. Prussia, threatened by the near approach of that danger, which she had vainly hoped to avert by so many sacrifices, was at length compelled to adopt the resolution of openly resisting the unremitting system of aggrandizement and conquest pursued by France; but neither this determination nor the succeeding measures of hostility were previously concerted with his majesty; nor had any disposition been shewn to offer any adequate satisfaction for those aggressions which had placed this country in a state of hostility with Prussia. Yet, in this situation, his majesty did not hesitate to adopt, without delay, such measures as were calculated to unite their councils and interests against the common enemy. The speech extolled the good faith of his majesty's remaining allies; and concluded with a solemn appeal to the bravery and public spirit of his people. The address on his majesty's speech, which was moved in the house of lords by the Earl of Jersey, and seconded by Lord Somers; and in the house of commons by the Hon. Mr. Lambe, and seconded by Mr. John Smyth, "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, Lord Hawkesbury and Lord Eldon expres- CHAP. III. 1807 On the 5th of January the same subject was brought under discussion in the house of commons, on the motion of Lord Howick, when his lordship said :-" In rising to perform the duty that now devolves upon me, I cannot but feel deep regret-a deep and poignant regret, at the failure of an effort, on our part made with sincerity, and pursued with good faith, to put an end to the war upon terms advantageous to this country, and to all Europe; a regret, in any circumstances justifiable and becoming; but at present, aggravated by the events which have lately occurred upon the continent, and which seem to render the attainment of that object more difficult and more distant than ever. But, besides these subjects of regret and of sorrow, I feel myself affected by painful emotions of a more private and personal nature. It is impossible for me to forget by whom, had it so pleased God, this important business would have been opened to this house. I cannot therefore present myself to your notice on this occasion, without being reminded of the infinite loss I have personally sustained, in being deprived of my friend, of my instructor, without whom I should have felt no confidence in myself; and in reflecting upon the worth and the talents of Mr. Fox, the loss which the public have sustained is irresistibly forced upon my recollection. But, if any thing could support and encourage me in the discharge of the duty now imposed upon me, it is the knowledge I possess of the principles and opinions which Mr. Fox held upon this subject. In the last conversation I held with that great statesman, which was on the 7th of September, the Sunday before his death, three great cardinal points were insisted upon by him. Ist. The security of our honour, in which Hanover was concerned. 2d. Fidelity to our Russian connection. 3d. Sicily The grounds on which the negociations broke off were in direct conformity with these opinions. On this occasion he told me, that the ardent wishes of his mind were to consummate, before he died, two great works on which he had set his heart; and these were, the restoration of a solid and honourable peace, and the abolition of the slave trade." The noble lord then proceeded to give a clear and detailed statement of the whole transaction concerning the negociation, for the purpose of shewing, that on the one hand, the honour of the crown and the interests of the country were not committed by any unworthy concessions; and on the other, that no means were left unemployed, to obtain such a peace as might be consistent with the honour, the interests, and the prosperity, of this nation. With this view he shewed, first, that the overture for peace originated with France; next, that the basis agreed upon for conducting the negociation was that of actual possession; and, lastly, that owing to the tergiversation and ambitious views of the French government, no terms could be procured that were consistent with the interests of Europe and the maintenance of inviolable good faith towards our allies. Having, as he hoped, established these points, his lordship. concluded by moving an address similar to that moved in the other house of parliament by Lord Grenville. Lord Yarmouth said, that in the communications he had held with M. Talleyrand, that minister distinctly admitted that the basis of the negociation should be the principle of actual possession, and his lordship was well assured, that had it not been for the melancholy event of the death of Mr. Fox, no objection would have been started against that principle by the French Government. Mr. Montague thought that the negociation was objectionable both in its commencement and prosecution. and prosecution. The French minister had, he conceived, taken Mr. Fox on the weak side, and by impressing him with the notion that he was ready to treat on the basis of the uti possidetis, had "duped and bamboozled him." Mr. Whitbread, after making some remarks on the extraordinary speech of Mr. Montague, proceeded to observe, that he could not, without experiencing the bitterest anguish, express his sentiments on this negociation, commenced by one sincere friend, and conducted by others for whom he felt the greatest esteem. When he read the documents which were lying on the table of the house, and perused them most attentively, he found in them parts of which he highly approved, and others of which he greatly disapproved. All that part which preceded the political death, as it had been called, of that illustrious man, Mr. Fox, claimed his approbation and support; but when death closed the career of his ever-to-be-lamented friend, he saw, between the beginning and the end of the negociations, obvious characters which distinguished them. Adverting to the unfortunate words, uti possidetis, he said that the real ground of the negociation in the first instance was the stipulation of honourable terms for both nations and for their allies; and next, that Russia should be admitted to the negociation conjointly with this country. He considered it unfortunate that the noble Lord (Lauderdale) should have * Mr. Fox's Letter to M. Talleyrand, dated March 26th, 1806.-Book III. Chap. viii. p. 524. was been sent over to Paris with the abstract basis of uti possidetis, and likewise that it should have been so peremptorily demanded. On the whole he was of opinion, that all the time which elapsed in the discussion of the abstract terms completely wasted, particularly when the general ground had been already well explained and fully understood, namely, mutual exchange and compensation for cessions. He did not think that we were justified in saying that the negociation had wholly failed in consequence of the injustice and ambition of France, and it was still his opinion, that peace was attainable. Under the influence of these impressions, he moved an amendment to the address: "To assure his majesty of our firm determination to co-operate with his majesty in calling forth the resources of the united kingdom, for the vigorous prosecution of the war in which we are involved, and to pray his majesty, that he will, in his paternal goodness, afford, as far as is consistent with his own honour, and the interests of his people, every facility to any just arrangement by which the blessings of peace may be restored to his loyal subjects." Mr. Canning expressed his surprise that no attempt was made by any of his majesty's ministers to answer the observation of the honourable gentleman (Mr. Whitbread) whose consistency he admired, though he differed from him widely in his conclusions. Adverting to the three points insisted upon in Lord Howick's speech, he said, he was now perfectly satisfied that the first overture for negociation came from France; with respect to the uti possidetis, the more he considered the subject, the more he was convinced that the papers on the table did not make out the charge against the enemy; that he opened the negociation on that basis, and that he afterwards departed from it; and though he derived great satisfaction from observing the good faith which government had preserved towards our allies, yet he did not think that a concert so perfect in principle had been acted upon, either towards Russia or Prussia, as the nature of our relations with those powers would have entitled us fairly to pursue. Mr. Perceval, from a review of all the circumstances connected with the negociation, concluded, that the enemy were never seriously desirous of peace, and that ministers were the dupes of the artifice of the French government. He lamented that a man of Mr. Fox's great talents and incorruptible mind, had been betrayed into a private and confidential correspondence with such a man as the friend to whom he was attached, Talleyrand. He blamed ministers for not having sooner put an end to the negociations, and declared his firm conviction, that no peace * could take place with France, at least, such a BOOK IV. Lord Howick observed, that some honour- On the 29th of January Lord Henry Petty, The new plan of finance was adapted to meet 1807 BOOK IV. ed to two hundred and ten millions. The ten per cent. charge thus accompanying each loan, would CHAP. III. be applied to pay the interest of the loan, and to form a sinking fund, which sinking fund would evidently be more than five per cent. on such of the several loans as should be obtained on a less rate of interest than five per cent. As a five per cent. sinking fund, accumulating at compound interest, would redeem any sum of capital debt in fourteen years, the several proportions of the war taxes, proposed to be pledged for the several loans above-mentioned, would have redeemed their respective loans, and be successively liberated, in periods of fourteen years from the date of each such loan. The portions of war taxes thus liberated might, if the war should still be prolong ed, become applicable in a revolving series, and might be again pledged for new loans; it was, how ever, material, that the property tax should not be pledged beyond the period for which it was granted, but should, in every case, cease on the 6th of April next after the ratification of a definitive treaty of peace. In the result therefore of the whole measure, there would not be imposed any new taxes for the first three years from this time. New taxes of less than £300,000, on an average of seven years, from 1810 to 1816, both inclusive, were all that would be necessary, in order to procure for the country the full benefit and advantage of the plan here described, which would continue for twenty years; during the last ten of which again no new taxes whatever would be required.* "Important as are the advantages which this plan presents," continued the chancellor of |