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19th CONGRESS, 1st SESSION.

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On the Mission to Panama.

[Sen. and H. of R.

lombia, and the point best suited for this august assembly, and mutually repel any attack or invasion that may, in any this Republic freely engages to afford to the Plenipotentiaries of the American States composing it all the attentions which are required by hospitality among sister States, and by the sacred and inviolable character of their

persons.

20. The United Provinces of Central America oblige themselves, in like manner, whenever the events of war, or by the voice of a majority of the American States, the Congress shall assemble within their territory, at the Isthmus of Panama, or any point of their territory which, from its central position, between the States of North and South America, may be fixed on as best suited for this most interesting object.

manner, menace the security of their independence and liberty, affect their interests, or disturb their peace: Provided, that, in the last case, requisition be made by one or other of two Governments legally established.

ARTICLE 3. To effect the objects of the preceding article, the contracting parties promise to aid each other with the amount of land forces that may be fixed upon by special conventions, as the circumstances may demand, and during the continuance of the occasion.

ARTICLE 4. The military navy of both contracting parties shall also be in fulfilment of the preceding convention.

ARTICLE 5. In cases where aid is suddenly required, 21. The Republic of Colombia and the United Pro- each party shall operate against the enemy with all the vinces of Central America, desirous of avoiding all inter-disposable forces within the territories of the other, if time pretation contrary to their intentions, declare, that any be not allowed for concert between both Governments. advantages which either Power may gain from the pre-But the party thus operating shall observe the laws and ceding stipulations, are, and shall be, considered as com- ordinances of the State, as far as circumstances may perpensation for the obligations they contract in the present mit, and shall respect and obey its Government. The excompact of perpetual union, league, and confederation. penses thus incurred, shall be fixed by separate conven22. The present perpetual treaty of union, league, and tions, and paid one year after the conclusion of the preconfederation, shall be ratified by the President or Vice sent war. President of the Republic of Colombia, charged with the Executive power, with the consent and approbation of the Congress, within thirty days; and by the Government of the United Provinces of Central America, as early as possible, regarding the distance; and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the City of Guatemala, within six months from the date hereof, or sooner, if possible. In faith of which, we, the Plenipotentiaries of the Re-dividuals to whom they may belong. public of Colombia, and of the United Provinces of Central America, have signed and sealed the present, in the City of Bogota, on this fifteenth day of March, in the year of our Lord 1825, fifteenth of Colombian Independence, and fifth of that of the United Provinces of Central America. [L. S.] PEDRO GUAL, [L. S.] PEDRO MOLINA. Ratified by the Vice President of Colombia, Francisco De P. Santander, on the twelfth day of April, 1825, and fifteenth of Independence, with the previous consent and approbation of the Congress.

ARTICLE 6. The contracting parties oblige themselves to furnish whatever assistance they may be able, to the military and mercantile vessels arriving at the ports of each other, from distress or other cause; and they shall have power to repair, refit, provision, arm, and increase their armament and crews, so as to be able to continue their voyages or cruises, at the expense of the State or in

COLOMBIA AND MEXICO.

Treaty of perpetual unior, league, and confederation, between Colombia and Mexico, published at the City of Mexico, on the 20th of Sentember, 1825.

The Government of the Republic of Colombia, on the one part, and that of Mexico, on the other, sincerely desirous of terminating the evils of the present war, into which they have been forced by the King of Spain, and having determined to employ their whole naval and land forces in defence of their liberty; and anxious, also, that this league should be general among all the States of Spanish America, that they may contribute their united strength and resources to maintain the common cause of their independence, have appointed Plenipotentiaries, who have concluded the following treaty of union, league,

and confederation:

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ARTICLE 7. To avoid abuses, by armed privateers, of the commerce of the State, and that of neutrals, the contracting parties agree to extend the jurisdiction of the maritime courts of cach other, to their privateers and prizes, indifferently, when they cannot readily ascertain their port of departure, and abuses shall be suspected of the commerce of neutral nations.

ARTICLE 8. The contracting parties mutually guaranty to each other the integrity of their respective territories, as they existed before the present war, recognizing, also, as part of this territory, what was not included in the Viceroyalties of Mexico and New Grenada, but is now a component part of it.

both parties shall be defined and recognized.
ARTICLE 9. The component parts of the territory of

ARTICLE 10. If internal quiet should unfortunately be disturbed, in the territory of either party, by disorderly men and enemies of legal government, the contracting partics engage to make common cause against them, until order and the empire of law be re-established.-Their forces shall be furnished as provided by Articles 2 and 3.

ARTICLE 11. All persons taking arms against either Government, legally established, and fleeing from justice, if found within the territory of either contracting party, shall be delivered up, to be tried by the Government against which the offence has been committed. Deserters from the army and navy are included in this article.

ARTICLE 12. To strengthen the bonds of future union between the two States, and to prevent every interruption of their friendship and good intelligence, a Congress shall be formed, to which each party shall send two Plenipotentiaries, commissioned in the same form and manner as are observed towards Ministers of equal grade to foreign nations.

ARTICLE 13. Both parties oblige themselves to solicit the other ci-devant Spanish States of America, to enter into this compact of perpetual union, league, and confede

ration.

ARTICLE 14. As soon as this important purpose shall have been attained, a general Congress of the American States shall assemble, composed of their Plenipotentiaries. Its object will be to confirm and establish intimate rela

Sen. and H. of R.]

On the Mission to Panama.

{19th CONGRESS,

tions between the whole and each one of the States: it view of what is to come. With respect to the first branch will serve as a council on great occasions; a point of union of the subject, it is, perhaps, of the least practical imin common danger; a faithful interpreter of public trea-portance. No statesman can have contemplated the coloties in cases of misunderstanding; and as an arbitrator and conciliator of disputes and differences.

ARTICLE 15. The Isthmus of Panama being an integral part of Colombia, and the most suitable point for the inecting of the Congress, this Republic promises to furnish to Plenipotentiaries of the Congress all the facilities demanded by hospitality among a kindred people, and by the sacred character of ambassadors.

ARTICLE 16. Mexico agrees to the same obligation, if ever, by the accidents of war, or the consent of a majority of the States, the Congress should meet within her ju

risdiction.

nial relations of Europe and continental America, without foreseeing that the time must come when they would cease. That time might have been retarded or accelerated, but come it must, in the great march of human events. An attempt of the British Parliament to tax, without their consent, the former British colonies, now these United States, produced the war of our Revolution, and led to the establishment of that independence and freedom which we now so justly prize. Moderation and forbearance, on the part of Great Britain, might have postponed, but could not have prevented, our ultimate separation. The attempt of Bonaparte to subvert the ancient dynasty of Spain, and ARTICLE 17. This compact of perpetual union, league, to place on its throne a member of his own family, no and confederation, shall not, in any wise, affect the exer- doubt, hastened the independence of the Spanish colocise of the national sovereignty of either contracting par- nies. If he had not been urged by his ambition to the ty, in regard to its laws and form of government, or its conquest of the Peninsula, those colonies, for a long time foreign relations. But the parties bind themselves, posi- to come, might have continued quietly to submit to the tively, not to accede to any demand of indemnity, tribute, parental sway. But they must have inevitably thrown it or impost from Spain, for the loss of her former suprema-off, sooner or later. We may imagine that a vast conticy over these countries, or from any other nation in her nent, uninhabited, or thinly peopled by a savage and unname. They also agree not to enter into any treaty with tutored race, may be governed by a remote country, Spain, or any other nation, to the prejudice of their in-blessed with the lights and possessed of the power of cidependence; but to maintain, at all times, their mutual vilization; but it is absurd to suppose that this same coninterests, with the dignity and energy proper to free, in- tinent, in extent twenty times greater than that of the padependent, friendly, and confederate States. rent country, and doubling it in a population equally ciARTICLE 18. Provides for the time of ratification of this vilized, should not be able, when it chooses to make the treaty. effort, to cast off the distant authority. When the epoch of separation between a parent State and its colony, from whatever cause, arrives, the struggle for self-government, on the one hand, and for the preservation of power on the other, produces mutual exasperation, and leads to a most It is then that it becomes embittered and ferocious war. the duty of third Powers to interpose their humane offices, and calm the passions, and enlighten the councils, of the parties. And the necessity of their efforts is greatest with the parent country, whose pride, and whose wealth and power, swelled by the colonial contributions, create the most repugnance to an acquiescence in a severance which has been ordained by Providence.

The foregoing treaty has been duly ratified,
GAUDALUPE VICTORIA.

By the President:

LUCAS ALAMAN.

NOTE. The foregoing is the copy of the only translation, as far as it goes, in possession of the Department of State, of the treaty between Colombia and Mexico.

Mr. Clay to Mr. Middleton, dated

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, May 10th, 1825. SIR: I am directed by the President to instruct you to endeavor to engage the Russian Government to contribute its best exertions, towards terminating the existing contest between Spain and her Colonies.

Among the interests which, at this period, should most command the serious attention of the nations of the old and new world, no one is believed to have a claim so paramount as that of the present war. It has existed, in greater or less extent, seventeen years. Its earlier stages were marked by the most shocking excesses, and, throughout, it has been attended by an almost incalculable waste of blood and treasure. During its continuance, whole generations have passed away, without living to see its close, whilst others have succeeded them, growing up from infancy to majority, without ever tasting the blessings of peace. The conclusion of that war, whatever and whenever it may be, must have a great effect upon Europe and America. Russia is so situated, as that, whilst she will be less directly affected than other parts of Christendom, her weight and her counsels must have a controlling influence on its useless protraction or its happy termination. If this peculiar attitude secures her impartiality, it draws to it great responsibility in the decision which she may feel it proper to make. The predominance of the power of the Emperor is every where felt. Europe, America, and Asia, all own it. It is with a perfect knowledge of its vast extent, and the profoundest respect for the wisdom and the justice of the august personage who wields it, that his enlightened and humane counsels are now invoked.

In considering that war, as in considering all others, we should look back upon the past, deliberately survey its present condition, and endeavor, if possible, to catch a

In the war which has so long been raging between Spain and her colonies, the United States have taken no part, either to produce or to sustain it. They have been inactive and neutral spectators of the passing scenes. Their frankness forbids, however, that they should say that they beheld those scenes with feelings of indifference. They have, on the contrary, anxiously desired that other parts of this continent should acquire and enjoy that independence, with which, by the valor and the patriotism of the founders of their liberty, they have been, under the smiles of Heaven, so greatly blessed.

But, in the indulgence of this sympathetic feeling, they have not, for one moment, been unmindful of the duties of that neutrality which they had deliberately announced. And the best proof of the fidelity with which they have strictly fulfilled its obligations, is furnished in the fact, that during the progress of the war, they have heen unjustly accused by both parties, of violating their declared neutrality. But it is now of little consequence to retrace the causes, remote or proximate, of the revolt of the Spanish colonies. The great and much more important consideration which will no doubt attract the attention of his Imperial Majesty, is the present state of the contest. The principles which produced the war, and those which may be incorporated in the institutions of the new States, may di-vide the opinions of men. Principles, unhappily, are too often the subject of controversy. But notorious facts are incontestible. They speak a language which silences all speculation, and should determine the judgment and the conduct of States, whatever may be the school in which their rulers are brought up or practised, and whatever the

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social forms which they would desire to see established. And it is to the voice of such facts that Europe and America are now called upon, patiently to listen."

[Sen. and H. of R.

And if, as we may justly suppose, the embittered feelings excited by an experience of that unequal connexion, are in proportion to the severity of the parental rule, they must operate with irresistible force on the rupture which has taken place between Spain and her Colonies, since in no other instance has it been exerted with such unmitigated rigor.

And in contemplating the present state of the war, what are the circumstances which must forcibly strike every reflecting observer? Throughout both continents, from the Western limits of the United States to Cape Horn, the Spanish power is subdued. The recent deciViewing the war as practically terminated, so far at sive victory of Ayachuco has annihilated the last remains least as relates to Spanish exertion on the continent, in of the Spanish force. Not a foot of territory, in all that considering the third branch of the inquiry which I provast extent, owns the dominion, not a bayonet sustains the posed, let us endeavor to anticipate what may be expect cause of Spain. The war, in truth, has ended. It has ed to happen, if Spain obstinately perseveres in the rebeen a war between a contracted corner of Europe, and an fusal to conclude a peace. If the war has only a nominal entire continent; between ten millions of people, amidst continuance, the new Republics cannot disband their victheir own extraordinary convulsions, fighting, at a distance, torious armies without culpable neglect of all the maxims across an ocean of three thousand miles in extent, against of prudence and precaution. And the first observation twenty millions contending, at home, for their lives, their that occurs, is, that this protracted war must totally liberty, and their property. Henceforward, it will pre-change its character and its objects. Instead of being a sent only the image of a war between an exhausted dwarf war of offensive operations, in which Spain has been carstruggling for power and empire, against a refreshed rying on hostilities in the bosom of the new States, it will giant, combating for freedom and existence. Too much become one to her of a defensive nature, in which all her confidence is reposed in the enlightened judgment of his future exertions must be directed to the protection and Imperial Majesty, to allow of the belief, that he will per-defence of her remaining insular possessions. And thus mit any abatement of his desire to see such a war formally the Peninsula, instead of deriving the revenue and the aid terminated, and the blessings of peace restored, from sym- so necessary to the revival of its prosperity, from Cuba pathies which he may feel, however strong, for the un-and Porto Rico, must be further drained to succor those happy condition of Spain. These very sympathies will islands. For it cannot be doubted, that the new States naturally lead his Imperial Majesty to give her the best will direct their combined and unemployed forces to the and most friendly advice in her actual posture. And in reduction of those valuable islands. They will naturally what does that consist? His Imperial Majesty must be strike their enemy wherever they can reach him. And the exclusive, as he is the most competent judge. But they will be stimulated to the attack by the double moit will not be deemed inconsistent with respect to inquire, tive arising from the richness of the prize, and from the if it be possible to believe that Spain can bring the new fact that those islands constitute the rendezvous of Spain, States again under her dominion? Where does the re- where are concentrated, and from which issue, all the motest prospect of her success break out? In Colombia, means of annoying them which remain to her. The sucMexico, or Peru? The re-conquest of the United States cess of the enterprize is by no means improbable. Their by Great Britain would not be a more mad and hopeless proximity to the islands, and their armies being perfectly enterprize than that of the restoration of the Spanish | acclimated, will give to the united efforts of the Republics power on these continents. Some of the most consider- great advantages. And, if with these be taken into the able of the new States have established governments, estimate the important and well-known fact, that a large which are in full and successful operation, regularly col- portion of the inhabitants of the islands is pre-disposed to lecting large revenues, levying and maintaining numerous a separation from Spain, and would therefore form a pow. and well appointed armies, and already laying the founda- erful auxiliary to the Republican arms, their success betions of respectable marines. Whilst they are consoli- comes almost certain. But even if they should prove indating their institutions at home, they are strengthening competent to the reduction of the islands, there can be themselves abroad by treaties of alliance among them- but little doubt that the shattered remains of Spanish selves, and of amity and commerce with foreign States. commerce would be swept from the ocean. The advanIs the vain hope indulged that intestine divisions within tages of the positions of Colombia and Mexico for annoythe new States will arise, which may lead to the recall of ing that commerce, in the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribthe Spanish power, as the Stuarts were recalled in Eng-bean Sea, must be evident from the slightest observation. land, and the Bourbons in France, at the close of their In fact, Cuba is in the mouth of a sack, which is held by respective revolutions? Colombia and the united Mexican States. And if, unhap We should not deceive ourselves. Amidst all the poli-pily for the repose of the world, the war should be contitical changes of which the new States are destined to be the theatre, whatever party or power may be uppermost, one spirit will animate them all; and that is, an invincible aversion from all political connexion with Spain, and an unconquerable desire of independence. It could not be otherwise. They have already tasted the fruits of independence. And the contrast between what their condition now is, in the possession of free commerce, liberal institutions, and all the faculties of their country, and its population allowed full physical and moral development, and what it was under Spain, cramped, debased, and degraded, must be fatal to the chimerical hope of that monarchy, if it be cherished, by any means whatever to reestablish her power. The cord which binds a colony to its parent country, being once broken, is never repaired. A recollection of what was inflicted and what was borne, during the existence of that relation, the pride of the former governing power, and the sacrifices of the interests of the colony to those of the parent, widen, and render the breach between them, whenever it occurs, perpetual.

nued, the coasts of the Peninsula itself may be expected soon to swarm with the privateers of the Republics. If, on the contrary, Spain should consent to put an end to the war, she might yet preserve what remains of her former American possessions. And surely the retention of such islands as Cuba and Porto Rico is eminently worthy of serious consideration, and should satisfy a reasonable ambition. The possessions of Spain in the West Indies would be still more valuable than those of any other Power. The war ended, her commerce would revive, and there is every reason to anticipate, from the habits, prejudices, and tastes of the new Republics, that she would find, in the consumption of their population, a constantly augmenting demand for the produce of her industry, now excluded from its best markets. And her experience, like that of Great Britain with the United States, would demonstrate that the value of the commercial intercourse would more than indemnify the loss, whilst it is unbur thened with the expense incident to political connexion. A subordinate consideration, which should not be over

Sen, and H. of R.]

On the Panama Mission.

19th CONGRESS, 1st SESSION.

be, would keep up constant apprehensions of their safety. Nor is it believed that the new States desire, or will attempt the acquisition, unless they shall be compelled, in their own defence, to make it, by the unnecessary prolongation of the war. Acting on the policy which is here unfolded, the Government of the United States, although they would have been justified to have seized Cuba and Porto Rico in the just protection of the lives and the commerce of their citizens, which have been a prey to infamous pirates, finding succor and refuge in Spanish territory, have signally displayed their patience and moderation, by a scrupulous respect of the sovereignty of Spain, who was herself bound, but has utterly failed, to repress those enormities.

looked, is, that large estates are owned by Spanish sub jects resident in Spain, which may possibly be confiscated, if the war be wantonly continued. If that measure of rigor shall not be adopted, their incomes must be greatly diminished during a state of war. These incomes, upon the restoration of peace, or the proceeds of the sales of the estates themselves, might be drawn to Spain, and would greatly contribute towards raising her from her present condition of embarrassment and languishment. If peace should be longer deferred, and the war should take the probable direction which has been supposed, during its further progress, other Powers, not now partics, may be collaterally drawn into it. From much less considerable causes, the peace of the world has been often disturbed. From the vicinity of Cuba to the United Finally, the President cherishes the hope that the EmStates, its valuable commerce, and the nature of its popu-peror's devotion to peace, no less than his friendship for lation, their Government cannot be indifferent to any po- Spain, will induce him to lend the high authority of his litical change to which that island may be destined. Great name to the conclusion of a war, the further prosecution Britain and France also have deep interests in its for- of which must have the certain effect of an useless waste tunes, which must keep them wide awake to all those of human life. No Power has displayed more solicitude changes. In short, what European State has not much for the repose of the world than Russia, who has recently at stake, direct or indirect, in the destiny, be it what it given the strongest evidence of her unwillingness to dismay, of that most valuable of all the West India Islands? turb it in the East, by unexampled moderation and forThe reflections and the experience of the Emperor, on bearance. By extending to America the blessings of that the vicissitudes of war, must have impressed him with peace which, under the auspices of his Imperial Majesty, the solemn duty of all Governments to guard against even Europe now enjoys, all parts of this continent will have the distant approach of that most terrible of all scourges, grateful occasion for regarding him, as the United States by every precaution with which human prudence and fore-ever have done, as their most potent and faithful friend. sight can surround the repose and safety of States.

I have the honor to be, Sir, with great respect, your obedient and very humble servant.

No. 48.

Mr. Middleton to Mr. Clay.

This despatch is confided to your discretion, to be comSuch is the view of the war between Spain and the municated, in extenso, or its contents disclosed in such new Republics, which the President desires you most other manner, to the Government of Russia, as shall apearnestly, but respectfully, to present to his Imperial Ma-pear to you most likely to accomplish its object. jesty. From this view it is evident, that it is not so much for the new States themselves, as for Spain, that peace has become absolutely necessary. Their independence of her, whatever intestine divisions may, if intestine divisions shall yet unhappily await them, is fixed and irrevocable. She may, indeed, by a blind and fatal protraction of the war, yet lose more; gain, for her, is impossible. ST. PETERSBURG, 15th, (27th) July, 1825. In becoming the advocate for peace, one is the true advocate of Spain. If the Emperor shall, by his wisdom, en- SIR: I had the honor of receiving your despatch, No. I lighten the councils of Spain, and bring home to them a on the 28th June, (O. S.) The Emperor was, at that peconviction of her real interests, there can be no fears of riod, absent from this residence, but expected about the the success of his powerful interposition. You are au- 5th of the present month. Count Nesselrode had prethorized, in that spirit of the most perfect frankness and ceded him by a few days, and had announced, by a circufriendship which have ever characterized all the relations lar letter, dated 24th June, that he had resumed the dibetween Russia and the United States, to disclose, with-rection of the Imperial Ministry of Foreign Affairs. out reserve, the feelings and the wishes of the United I conceive it would be best to lose no time in opening States, in respect to Cuba and Porto Rico. They are sa- the matter committed to my care by your instructions in tisfied with the present condition of those islands, now the despatch above mentioned. After having carefully open to the commerce and enterprise of their citizens. weighed what would be the best mode of proceeding, I They desire for themselves no political change in mentioned to the Count the purport of the instructions. them. If Cuba were to declare itself independent, the He gave me, at first, no great encouragement, adverting amount and the character of its population render it im- to the essential difference in our way of thinking on the probable that it could maintain its independence. question between Spain and her colonies. I begged Such a premature declaration might bring about a re-leave, however, to furnish him with a copy of the disnewal of those shocking scenes of which a neighboring Island was the afflicting theatre. There could be no effectual preventive of those scenes, but in the guaranty, and in a large resident force of foreign Powers. The terms of such a guarantee, and the quotas which each should contribute, of such a force, would create perplexing questions of very difficult adjustment, to say nothing of the continual jealousies which would be in operation. In the state of possession which Spain has, there would be a ready acquiescence of those very foreign Powers, all of whom would be put into angry activity upon the smallest prospect of a transfer of those Islands. The United. States could not, with indifference, see such a transfer to any European Power. And if the new Republics, or either of them, were to conquer them, their maritime force, as it now is, or, for a long time to come, is likely to

patch, (as you had permitted,) in order that he might lay it before the Emperor. Accordingly, on the second of July, a copy of your instructions, together with a short introductory note, was sent in. (See the accompanying paper.)

I conclude from my knowledge of the modes of proceeding in all matters of general concern, that the proposition is in consideration between the allies, it being a fundamental maxim with them not to take any determination in matters affecting the general policy, without the mutual consent of the parties to this alliance.

I trust that I need not add, that every endeavor shall be made, on my part, to give effect to your proposition. I have the honor to be, sir, very faithfully, your obedient servant.

HENRY MIDDLETON.

19th (

1st SESSION.

No. 49.

Mr. Middleton to Mr. Clay.

To the Secretary of State, &c. &c. &c.

On the Mission to Panama.

[Sen. and H. of R.

The opinions of his Imperial Majesty as to the question discussed by Mr. Clay in his despatch, cannot be concealed from the Cabinet of Washington. His Imperial Majesty has ever thought that justice, the law of nations, and ST. PETERSBURG, 27th Aug. (8th Sept.) 1825. the general interest in having the indisputable titles of SIR: I have the honor to forward herewith a copy of sovereignty respected, could not allow the determinations the answer of the Russian Secretary of State, to my note of of the mother country in this important case, to be pre2d July last, by which I had communicated to this Go-judged or anticipated. On the other side, whenever vernment, in extenso, the instructions I had received by Spain has wished to discuss the future condition of South your despatch No. 1. America, she has addressed overtures to all the Allied Powers of Europe. It will not be possible, therefore, for his Imperial Majesty to change principles in this negotiation, nor to institute it separately (isolément); and until positive information has been received of the ulterior views of Spain, in regard to her American possessions, of her decision upon the proposition of the United States, and of the opinions of her Allies in relation to the same subject, Russia cannot give a definitive answer.

I think I am warranted in considering this answer to be, in substance, (when divested of diplomatic garb,) in every respect as favorable to the views developed in your despatch, as could possibly be expected to be given by this Government, standing in the predicament it now does. We are left to infer from it, that the proposal that the Emperor shall lend his aid towards the conclusion of the war between Spain and her Colonies, by interposing his good offices in the form of pacific counsel to the mother country, has been communicated to the Allied Cabinets, and I am fully of opinion, that the majority, if not the whole of them, will agree to it. If such should be the event, the Diplomatic Committee sitting at Paris will be instructed accordingly. The chief difficulty to be overcome will be in the Cabinet of the King of Spain, where it is under-deriving an additional motive of security from the honorastood that all parties are opposed to the independence of the Colonies. The necessity of the case, however, begins to be so crying, that a hope may be entertained that even there the counsels of wisdom may ere long be listened to. For obvious reasons we must not expect to learn, officially, that such advice, as that alluded to above, has been given, unless it should be attended to.

I have the honor to be, sir, very faithfully, your very

obedient servant.

HENRY MIDDLETON.

Count Nesselrode to Mr. Middleton. TRANSLATION OF A PAPER WITH MR. MIDDLETON'S NO. 49.] The undersigned, Secretary of State, directing the Imperial Administration of Foreign Affairs, hastened to submit to the Emperor the note with which Mr. Middleton, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, did the honor to address hin, on the 28 July last, accompanying a copy of the despatch from Mr. Clay, in which that Minister, in the name of the Cabinet at Washington, urges the necessity of confirming the general peace, by terminating the contest of the Spanish Colonies against the Government of his Catholic Majesty; of securing to Spain the peaceful possession of the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico; and of effecting these objects by the impartial intervention of Russia.

She is, however, in the mean while, pleased to hope, that the United States, becoming every day more convinced of the evils and dangers that would result to Cuba and Porto Rico from the change of government, being satisfied, as Mr. Clay has said, in his despatch, with the present commercial legislation of these two Islands, and ble resolution of Spain not to grant to them any longer letters of marque, will use their influence, in defeating, as far as may be in their power, every enterprise against these Islands, in securing to the rights of his Catholic Majesty constant and proper respect, in maintaining the only. state of things that can preserve a just balance of power in the sea of the Antilles, prevent shocking examples, and, as the Cabinet of Washington has remarked, secure to the general peace salutary guarantees. The undersigned seizes with pleasure this occasion to repeat to Mr Middleton the assurances of his very distinguished consi deration.

St. Petersburg, August 20, 1825. .

No. 2.

NESSELRODE.

Mr. Clay to Mr. Middleton.
DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, 26th December, 1825. SIR: Your despatches, No. 48 and 49, have been duly received and submitted to the President. He sees with much satisfaction, that the appeal which has been made through you to the Emperor of Russia, to employ his friendly offices in the endeavor to bring about a peace between Spain and the new American Republics, has not The principles of the Emperor were sufficiently known been without favorable effect. Considering the intimate to the Government of the United States, to justify the and friendly relations which exist between the Emperor perfect confidence that, in expressing a wish for the con- and his allies, it was perhaps not to be expected, that, tinuance and confirmation of the peace enjoyed by the previous to consultations with them, language more exworld, it did but represent the most sincere desire of his plicit should be held than that which is contained in Count Imperial Majesty, that, in professing a generous solicitude Nesselrode's note. Although very guarded, it authorizes for the rights of Spain, over her Islands in the West In- the belief that the preponderating influence of Russia has dies, it avowed principles that had long since been adopt-been thrown into the scale of peace. Notwithstanding ed by Russia, as the bases of her political system; and predictions of a contrary result, confidently made by Mr. that, in anticipating perfect impartiality and true disinter- Secretary Canning, this decision of the Emperor corres estedness from her intervention, it was not deceived as to ponds with the anticipations which have been constantly the sentiments of the Emperor, in relation to all arrange-entertained here, ever since the President resolved to inments in which foreign Powers might be pleased to claim or admit his good offices.

His Imperial Majesty felicitates himself with having inspired this confidence in the United States of America, and' the undersigned is charged to invite Mr. Middleton to convey to his Government the assurance of the high value at which the Emperor estimates those sentiments, of which new evidence is furnished by its present propo

sitions.

voke his intervention. It affords strong evidence both of his humanity and his enlightened judgment. All events out of Spain seem now to unite in their tendency towards peace; and the fall of the Castle of St. Juan d'Ulloa, which capitulated on the 18th day of last month, cannot fail to have a powerful effect within that kingdom. We are informed that, when information of it reached the Havana, it produced great and general sensation: and that the local Government immediately despatched a fast sail

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