Mr. WHITE, of Florida, replied, and was entering on a minute history of the whole transaction; but the discussion was cut short by the SPEAKER-the hour assigned to the consideration of resolutions having elapsed.

MISSION TO PANAMA.

The House then went into Committee of the Whole, Mr STEVENSON, of Va. in the Chair, on the report of the committee to whom was referred the message of the President in relation to the Mission to Panama; which report concludes with the following resolution :

"Resolved, That, in the opinion of the House, it is expedient to appropriate the funds necessary to enable the President of the United States to send Ministers to the Congress of Panama.

Mr. McLANE, of Del. proposed an amendment, which he prefaced by remarking that he preferred deferring the delivering of his views in support of the amendment to another time. He did not offer it with any view of embarrassing the general subject, but from a sense of the duty he owed to himself, and to those who sent him here. He wished that, before he was called to express his sentiments, the committee would so far indulge him as to allow the amendment to be printed; and, in the mean while, would rise for that purpose.

The amendment proposed by Mr. McLANE is as

follows:

[H. of R.

position that the whole or any one of the Powers represented in the Congress may think proper to offer for the consideration of the Government of the United States."

On motion of Mr. McLANE, the committee then rose, and the House ordered both the resolutions for amendment to be printed.

PENITENTIARY FOR DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. The House then, on motion of Mr. THOMSON, of Pennsylvania, took up, in committee of the whole, the bill providing for the erection of a Penitentiary in the District of Columbia. An amendment was proposed to the bill by Mr. THOMSON, to strike out the whole of the original bill, and insert a new one. This motion was agreed to, and, after some conversation, the bill was reported to the House, and ordered to be engrossed, and

read a third time to-morrow.

The bill from the Senate, for further regulating the accountability of public officers, next underwent some discussion in committee of the whole, where it was supported by Messrs. HAMILTON and TATTNALL. It was opposed by Mr. CARY, on the ground of its going to enlarge the patronage of the Executive, and increase, instead of economize, the public expenditure. He failed, however, in successive motions, to amend the bill, and to third time to-morrow. lay it on the table; and the bill was ordered to be read a

The House adjourned.

TUESDAY, APRIL 4, 1826.

The resolution offered some days since by Mr. MERCER, calling for information in relation to the cargoes of the slave ships Constitution, Louisa, and Marino, the discussion of which was arrested yesterday by the SPEAKER, on account of the time for the consideration of resolutions having expired, came up as the unfinished business.

"It being understood as the opinion of this House, that, as it has always been the settled policy of this Government, in extending our commercial relations with foreign nations, to have with them as little political connection as possible; to preserve peace, commerce, and friendship, with all nations, and to form entangling alliances with none; the Ministers who may be sent shall attend at the said Congress in a diplomatic character merely; and ought not be authorized to discuss, consider, or consult, upon any proposition of alliance, offensive or defensive, between this country and any of the South American Governments, or any stipulation, compact, or declaration, binding the United States in any way, or to any extent, to resist interference from abroad with the domestic concerns of the aforesaid Governments, or any measure which shall commit the present or future neutral rights or duties of these United States, either as may re-dified, in the following form: gard European nations, or between the several States of Mexico and South America."

Mr. CROWNINSHIELD expressed his assent to this arrangement, though opposed to the amendment.

Mr. FORSYTH said he was very desirous of coming to some understanding with the gentleman who had moved this amendment, so that he might, without embarrassing it, present, at the same time, to the committee, another amendment, which he had prepared, and which better met his views; but he was very loth to offer it as an amendment to the gentleman's amendment, yet did not know how else to get it before the committee consistently with the rules of the House.

The CHAIRMAN decided that it could not come before the committee in any other form.

Mr. FORSYTH then read his resolution as follows, and gave notice that, in case that of Mr. McLANE should not prevail, he would offer his.

On this resolution the debate was farther continued by Messrs. MERCER, WHITE, and FORSYTH. Mr. WHITE offered a slight amendment, which was accepted by Mr. MERCER as a modification of his motion; and, after some explanations by Mr. FORSYTH, and observations in complete exculpation of the character of Judge TATE, the question was taken on the resolution, as mo

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to communicate to this House, such portion of the proceedings of the Judge of the Superior Court of West Florida, acting as Commissioner under the ninth article of the treaty of 22d February, 1819, as relates to the rights of certain persons therein named to the cargoes of the slave vessels, Constitution, Louisa, and Marino; and that he also communicate the amount of the several sums of money, if any, paid to the said claimants respectively; the dates of the payment, and the authority under which they have been made.

Thus modified, the resolution was agreed to.
Mr. DRAYTON moved the following:

Resolved, That the Constitution be so amended, that, if no candidate for the Presidency of the United Stat.s shall receive a majority of the whole number of votes in the primary colleges of electors, that the candidates hav ing the two highest numbers on the list, shall again be voted for in the same manner as at the first ballot; the votes at the second ballot to be counted by States; and that the election for the Vice Presidency of the United States, shall, under the same circumstances, mutatis mutandis, be conducted in the same manner, and be regulated by the same principles.

"That, in the opinion of the House, it is expedient to make an appropriation, to enable the President to send Ministers to be present at, but not to become members of, the Congress of the American States at Panama; it being distinctly understood that the said Ministers are to be authorized merely to express to that Congress the deep interest of this country in the security and prosperity of the Resolved, That no one who was an elector of the Preother American States; to explain, if requested, the sident and Vice President in the primary Colleges, shall principles which govern the United States in their politi-be eligible as an elector at the second election. cal and commercial intercourse with all foreign nations; to receive and to remit to their own Government any pro

These resolutions were referred to the Select Committee of twenty-four, on the general subject.

The following joint resolution from the Senate was twice read, and, on motion of Mr. COOK, of Illinois, was referred to the Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union-Ayes 62, Nays 59.

"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, that the following amendment to the Constitution of the United States be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States; and which, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the States, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the said Constitution."

"No person who shall have been elected to the office of President of the United States a second time, shall again be eligible to that office."

MISSION TO PANAMA.

And the amendment offered by Mr. McLANE, of Delaware, yesterday, being under consideration, in the follow ing words:

[APRIL 4, 1826.

portance, and was wholly novel and unprecedented. The manner in which it had been at first presented, the manner in which it had been since conducted, and in which this House had now been called to deliberate upon it, all went to show that it was novel in its character. He did not wish to be understood to say that it was therefore improper or inexpedient; but it was certainly novel, and it was therefore the duty of the House to ponder it well. He considered it as a subject on which the House could not be left too free in its deliberations; no extraneous influence of any kind ought to be brought to bear on its discussion. He did not think that the source from whence it proceeded ought to have the smallest influence; with him it had none: it neither weakened the force of the considerations involved in the measure itself, nor did it in the least strengthen them. He professed to feel, and he did feel, all proper respect to the functionaries of the Govern The House then went into Committee of the Whole, ment-all that it became him to feel as a member of this Mr. STEVENSON, of Virginia, in the Chair, on the re- House: he did not profess more, nor did he feel any more. port of the Committee of Foreign Relations on the mes- He thought it very injudicious to connect with this desage of the President of the United States, proposing to liberation any influence of an extrinsic kind. Every prosend Ministers to Panama; which report concludes with a posed measure of the Government should be left to stand recommendation of the following resolve, viz: on its own basis. If the present measure was to be con"Resolved, That, in the opinion of the House, it is ex-sidered on account of the source from which it proceeded, pedient to appropriate the funds necessary to enable the that source should have had the whole responsibility. But President of the United States to send Ministers to the when the Executive throws it off, and submits the meaCongress of Panama❞— sure to this House, it comes here free from all connexion with that influence. The members of the House are called to deliberate on it, on their own responsibility. The constitutional responsibility pertains alone to the Executive "It being understood, as the opinion of this House, Department. None other has to do with it as a public that, as it has always been the settled policy of this Go-measure. If it had originated in the Executive Departvernment, in extending our commercial relations with ment, and been carried on by it alone, whatever conse foreign nations, to have with them as little political con- quences of good or evil might flow from it, the entire nexion as possible; to preserve peace, commerce, and amount of responsibility would devolve on the Executive friendship, with all nations, and to form entangling al- alone. If, in this case, the Executive had assumed this liances with none; the Ministers who may be sent shall at- legitimate and constitutional responsibility-if the Presi tend at the said Congress in a diplomatic character mere- dent, after the Senate had approved of this mission, had ly; and ought not to be authorized to discuss, consider, come to this House and asked simply for an appropriation, or consult upon any proposition of alliance, offensive or Mr. McL. would have been willing to grant it with fewer defensive, between this country and any of the South scruples than he now felt; because, then the President American Governments; or any stipulation, compact, or would have had the whole responsibility. But the Execu declaration, binding the United States in any way, or to tive had, he would not say shunned the responsibility, but any extent, to resist interference from abroad, with the had not assumed the whole constitutional responsibility domestic concerns of the aforesaid Governments; or any which belonged to him. He does in substance say, that measure which shall commit the present or future neutral although, in his judgment, it was proper that Ministers rights or duties of these United States, either as may re- should be sent and should attend this Congress, yet he gard European nations or between the several States of will not send them unless this House expresses its approMexico and South America." bation of the measure, unless we are willing to share the responsibility, and shall say it is right that it should be done. By choosing this course, the President submits the measure to the free determination of Congress. He says he cannot send these Ministers without our approbation, and he therefore submits the plan to our free delibera tion. I say I do not censure this course, and I am very sincere in so saying; there is much in the novelty and peculiar character of this measure, which may make it prudent in the Executive to choose such a course; but, when I say this, it is nevertheless true, that the measure is submitted to us, and that we must express an opinion upon it. We cannot recommend the measure without being a party to it. The President asks us not only for money, but for our opinion also. If he had asked for money only, I would give it with less hesitation, but he asks the House to decide on the propriety of the measure. His request is submitted to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, who, after full investigation, recommend a resolution, expressing the opinion of this House in favor of the expediency of the mission.

Mr. McLANE, presuming that the amendment he had offered yesterday was still within his control, desired to modify it, by adding to it the following:

"Leaving the United States free to adopt, in any event which may happen, affecting the relations of the South American Governments with each other, or with foreign nations, such measures as the friendly disposition cherished by the American People, towards the People of those States, and the honor and interests of this nation, may dictate."

In submitting this resolution, Mr. McLANE said he had been actuated by a sense of the duty he owed to himself and to those who had honored him with a seat on this floor. He had endeavored, in wording the resolution, to embrace all those principles which had characterised the policy of the United States from our earliest history; and his great object in offering it, was to preserve that policy unimpaired. He had founded the resolution on principle wholly. He was indifferent what was the phraseology employed, and was ready to submit to any modification which might be proposed, provided it did not impair the force and virtue of the resolution in the preservation of the principles it contained.

Now, in granting our approbation of this mission, it is due to the House that I should also express my opinion on those parts of the message, and of the subject generally, The measure to which it related, was one of great im-which may become deeply interesting to the country, and

APRIL 4, 1826.]

Mission to Panama.

[H. of R.

the holding out of a threat, with the hope that that threat would be sufficient, or it means that we intend to execute the threat, when the time for executing it shall arrive. Is this what is meant? If it is not, the threat should not be made; or if made, should not be recognized. Supposing the crisis should arrive, and this declaration should be understood as meaning resistance: What can we answer? Can we tell these Powers, that we meant only to take a moral attitude? That the expression of the President was merely a declaration of our abstract opinions? That it was made without any intention ever to carry it into effect? Sir, I am unwilling to place myself or my country in that attitude.

But the question now assumes a graver character. The resistance implied in that threat, is now to be a matter of formal and public discussion. It is to be discussed at Panama. And we are called on to give an opinion in relations to the expediency of discussing it there. Here is where the subject presses on me. If we were left afloat, it would be another thing: but we are called to act. We cannot avoid it if we would. Could this House, or would it, avoid expressing an opinion upon this topic, if it were now submitted for our Legislative action-if we were called on to enable the Executive to carry it into effect? Certainly it could not. It is true the subject is not now brought here for a decision; but it is carried to Panama, and we are to send Ministers there for the express purpose of discussing, arranging, and reducing it to some definite stipulation. It becomes the duty of the House to consider well such a posture of things!

of grave weight and importance in their consequences. I tempts of the Powers of Europe in respect to South Ameoffer the resolution as a matter of preservation and pro-rica. The substance of this declaration evidently is, that tection to ourselves, and not of embarrassment to the Ex-we are prepared to resist any such attempt. This is either ecutive. I do not wish to embarrass him. It is not my object to tie up his hands, or to restrict him. I would leave him the fullest latitude. But I wish to say to the President, "As you have sent this matter to us, we express to you our opinion upon it; and, although you are at liberty to act respecting it afterwards as to you shall seem fit and proper, it is on your own responsibility." I repeat, that I do not, by this amendment,' say to the Executive, you shall not discuss certain matters at this Congress; nor do I wish to give the President instructions; neither do I wish that our Minister should be embarrassed. I wish to say to the President, "Take your measures for this mission-take the appropriation necessary to carry it into effect-send your Minister; instruct him as you will; but, take it with you, while we put all this power into your hands, that this House, the popular branch of the Government, has expressed its opinion, as the Representatives of the People, on certain points." This is my object, and my only object. I would leave the President free to act. I would not interfere with his constitutional power or his constitutional discretion. It is there; I put it back to him. When we have expressed our opinion, if it shall coincide with that of the Executive, it can do him no harm; and if our opinion shall differ from his, it may still be of service to him. In the one case, it will sustain him in his intercourse with foreign nations; his acts and determinations will carry with them a weight which they would not otherwise possess; and in the other, he will still be at liberty to act as he thinks proper : he will come back to his constitutional advisers, the Senate, and will repose himself on the public opinion. If I have not entirely mistaken this As to the nature of the Congress at Panama, the view subject, I think the time has arrived in which this House I propose at present to take of the general subject, in exis called upon to express an opinion upon some of the planation of my amendment, relieves me from the neces topics connected with this mission. It is due to ourselves; sity of any very minute consideration of it, and I have no it is due to the President; it is due to the country, that we desire to trouble the House with any unnecessary reshould express an opinion. Things, which are now float- marks. I must be permitted to say, (and I am sincere in ing in the imaginations of gentlemen; which serve to be the declaration) that I do not concur with the Committee get various political speculations; to mislead our func- of Foreign Relations in their view of this Congress. I do tionaries abroad; to decorate their arguments, or make a not mean as to what is to be done there by our Ministers, figure in their diplomatic communications, are likely soon but as to the intentions of the parties themselves in this to become no unsubstantial pageant. It is time they were Congress. I have no idea that it is to be a mere diplomatic brought to some definite form-that they were brought meeting as regards the South American States. I think down to our judgments; that we may see what they are, that the deliberations there are intended to be binding on and deal with them as they deserve. Ever since the me- the parties, without any revision of its decisions, by their morable message of the late President Monroe, we have respective Governments. I ask, how did that Congress at seen the misconstructions to which certain parts of that first originate? The South American States agreed upon message have been exposed; we have seen, too, the con- it by treaties between each other-it is in those treaties sequences to which they have led. Those expressions that the powers of this Congress are to be found-and have been seized upon and cherished by our public func- when we consult the treaties, we find that the Congress is tionaries; and now we assail them for proceeding on the the result of a "compact of union, league, and confederaground of that language, though we have done nothing to tion; it is to be charged with cementing, in the most solid disavow it. If we disapproved the sentiment, or did not and stable manner, the intimate relations which ought to intend to adopt it, we ought to have acted before. We exist between all and every one of the contracting parties; ought to have said so when the message was delivered. it is to serve as a council in the great conflicts, as a rallyMr. Chairman, I cannot reconcile myself to the explaing point in the common dangers, as a faithful interpreter nation which is given in conversation, and in the language of their public treaties when difficulties occur, and as an of debate, in another quarter, respecting this message. It umpire and conciliator in their disputes and differences." will not do to treat it as a pledge from ourselves to our- All these objects are to be accomplished by the Congress, selves, or as designed to throw the moral weight of the not by the parties creating it, and it must necessarily have opinion of this nation into the cause of these Governments. the power of giving effect to its own decisions. Each Nor can it be considered as having performed its office, party to the Congress must be bound by its acts, as they because foreign interference has not hitherto been made. would be bound by a treaty: for it is by treaty stipulation Its efficacy is to be tested when the danger comes; and, they have conferred its powers. The very reservations in if it prove unreal, then it will be any thing but moral. the treaties with respect to this Congress, is conclusive What, then, does its language mean? What does it proof of the view I have advanced That reservation exgive out? Is it a declaration in terrorem only-to be tends only to their national sovereignty over their munigood if others are alarmed at its sound; and good for cipal affairs, and to their relations with foreign nations, nothing if they have the temerity to disregard it? Is not parties to the Confederation, or Congress. The exerit simply a vaporing Or does it contain substancecise of these is not to be interrupted by the Congress; but We say we will not look with indifference on certain at-with this exception, there is no limitation upon its powers

H. of R.]

Mission to Panama.

[APRIL 4, 1826.

If I would not

If any gentleman in this House will say that he is willing to bind this country to take part in any contest which may hereafter take place, with respect to the South American States, he ought to allow this Mission to proceed, and say nothing; but, if he is unwilling so to bind the country, he ought to say, explicitly, that we will not stipulate on that subject; and will not go abroad to negotiate about it. He ought to express his opinion: he ought to say, distinctly, that we will not consider or discuss any such proposition.

as to all other matters, its acts must be recognized as bind- sent that they shall be discussed at all. ing; and suppose our Ministers should conclude a treaty make a treaty, I will not negotiate. Sir, no nation ever with any of the South American States at this Congress, can negotiate about its own policy or attitude towards foand any difficulty should afterwards arise as to its inter-reign nations. It deliberates on that matter at home. It pretation, who are to be the arbiters of the dispute? The consults its own honor and interests, and the happiness of Congress at Panama. its citizens; and when it has decided on its course, it is its I do not say this, however, with any view to reprobate or duty to announce its policy to the world-not to negotiate to oppose the contemplated mission. I am willing to ad-about it. In our case, it is the duty of the Executive to mit, that, whatever may be the character of the Congress, say to all People that our policy is pacific-it is neutralwe may have important interests in its deliberations, and it is to steer clear of the difficulties and quarrels of other that subjects may, and, indeed, must arise there, to which People, and not to negotiate with any body whether we we ought not to be inattentive. I think it is the duty of shall commit ourselves to their destiny. this Government to send there an accredited agent of some kind; nor do I object to the form in which the mission is proposed. I am willing to take the particular mode which has been approved by the Executive, and by the Senate. But, I ask this House to consider what are the reasons and motives of the Executive in this mission, independent of the objects to be discussed? They are as stated by himself. It is an inducement to meet, in the spirit of kindness and friendship, an overture made in that spirit; to evince: our disinterestedness, as the corner stone of all our future relations; to manifest our cordial good will to them; a claim of fair and equal reciprocity; to interpose our friendly counsel; to explain our motives for declining any proposal of specific measures, incompatible with our interests or duties; and, by having accredited agents, placed in confidential relations with the Congress, to ensure authentic and safe transmission of the reports of its proceedings. I admit that all these objects are important, and sufficient to justify the sending of an agent to this Congress. But, we find there are additional objects to be discussed: one of which is of more importance, in my apprehension, than all these put together. I shall consider it presently. It may be proper for me here to remark, that, for the objects I have quoted, a single Minister might have been sufficient. On this, however, I do not insist. If the Executive, to whom the discretion pertains, has thought it right, with the advice of the Senate, to appoint more, let them go, on his constitutional responsibility. It is not my responsibility. But, it appears that our Ministers are to participate in the deliberations of the Congress; they are to discuss the subjects before it; they are to negotiate and stipulate for important points of national policy: and they may make treaties. It is true, that their treaties will not be of binding force until they receive the ratification of the Senate; and here lies one great security. But, Mr. Chairman, there are subjects to come before this Congress, which I would not even discuss, or consider, or consult upon, with any foreign nation, in any manner whatever; and it is because I believe this, that I have offered the present amendment. Now, what are the subjects which we are told will come before it? 1. Certain points of in-vitation, divides the topics to be discussed at the Conternational law. 2. The Slave Trade. 3. The condition | of Hayti. 4. Cuba and Porto Rico. 5. Religious Liberty. And, 6. The Resistance of Colonization, or of any interference with the Independence and form of Government of these Spanish American States. As to all these objects, but the last, I am willing that our Ministers shall enter into deliberation, and obtain all the information in their power, except as to the condition of Cuba; if, indeed, this Government be now at liberty to treat of this, which I do not propose at present to consider. My own opinion, however, is, that not one of these objects is attainable by this mission. Any arrangement favorable to us in regard to them, would be a concession to this Government; and, as the United States have nothing which they could safely give or concede, they, of course, have nothing to get. But, Sir, any stipulation, or any treaty, on the subject of a resistance of colonization, or of interference, by European Powers, with the Independence of the South American States, I view as utterly incompatible with the settled policy of this Government; and, therefore, I will not con

Mr. Chairman, I am certainly friendly to the cause of these infant Republics. I will not say that I would look with indifference on an attempt, by any Power, to interfere with their independence, or control their right of self government; but I will leave myself free and unincumbered, by any stipulations, till that crisis shall arrive. What I may do then, must depend on circumstances. Now, Sir, it is important to inquire, if this subject is to be a subject of discussion at this Congress. If it is, and we mean to remain free of stipulations, is it not due to this People, to ourselves, and to the President, that we should say so? And, if we mean to hold ourselves subject to any pledge of co-operation, to tell them so, that they may govern themselves accordingly? On a subject like this, there should be nothing equivocal. What we mean, we ought to speak plainly, that all concerned may clearly understand us. Sir, if I am not greatly mistaken, this is to be the leading and important subject for an argument, at this Congress; and that we cannot adopt the resolution recommended by the Committee of Foreign Affairs, without consenting that it shall become so. I do not say that it is the intention of the President to commit us to any stipulation or alliance upon this point. It is unnecessary for me to make any such assertion; but I do say that the other parties to the Congress expect that we shall discuss and decide upon it; and that it has been the leading induce ment with them to invite our presence. I hazard this opinion from the terms of the invitation, the acceptance, and all the documents which have been submitted to us. Mr. Salazar, the Colombian Minister, in his letter of ingress, into two classes. In the first, are contained matters peculiarly and exclusively concerning the belligerents, with which I admit we have no concern. In the second, are matters between the belligerents and neutrals, which we are particularly to discuss; and, "as points of great interest," in this class, are, in his own language, "the manner in which all colonization of European Powers, on the American Continent, shall be resisted, and their interference in the present contest between Spain and her former Colonies, prevented." "Were it proper, (he says,) an eventual alliance, in case these events should occur, which is within the range of possibilities, and the treaty, of which no use should be made, until the casus fœderis should happen, to remain secret; or, if this should seem premature, a convention so anticipated, would be different means to secure the same end, of preventing foreign influence. This is a matter of immediate utility to the American States that are at war with Spain, and is in ac cordance with the repeated declarations and protests of the Cabinet at Washington." Now, Sir, it may be denied that

there have been such "repeated declarations and protests of the Cabinet at Washington." It may be said, that none such could properly be given. But this letter shows that the Republic of Colombia is under a different belief, and that we are now invited to form an "eventual alliance" for their fulfilment. Their expectations are enough for ine, on a subject like this. The Mexican Minister, Mr. Obregon, in his letter of invitation, states the same points, as the principal subjects on which "the Representatives of the United States" are to be occupied. He says, "the United States are not expected to take part in other matters than those which, from their nature, the late Administration pointed out, and characterized, as being of general interest to the Continent;" referring, no doubt, to the memorable declaration, as it is termed, of Mr. Monroe, in his message of 1823; "for which reason, (Mr. Obregon remarks) one of the subjects which will occupy the attention of the Congress, will be, the resistance or opposition to the interference of any neutral nation in the question and war of independence, between the new Powers of the Continent and Spain." He says, moreover, that his Government apprehends that, "as the Powers of America are of accord, as to resistance, it behooves them to discuss the means of giving to that resistance all possible force, that the evil may be met, if it cannot be avoided, and the only means of accomplishing this object, is, by a previous concert, as to the mode in which each of them shall lend its co-operation." Mr. Canas, in his letter, indicates the same objects, in more general terms, and qualifies it in no other manner than that our participation "will not require that the Representatives of the United States should, in the least, compromit their present neutrality, harmony, and good intelligence, with other Nations."

Mr. Clay's letter of acceptance opposes no objection to any of the objects presented in the invitation. He says, that," whilst they," the American Ministers, "will not be authorized to enter upon any deliberations, or to concur in any acts, inconsistent with the present neutral position of the United States and its obligations, they will be fully empowered and instructed upon all questions likely to arise in the Congress on subjects in which the Nations of America have a common interest."

her States.

[H. of R.

And, with respect tothe obtrusive interference from abroad, if its future character may be inferred from that which has been, and perhaps still is exercised in more than one of the new States, a joint declaration of its character, and exposure of it to the world, may be probably all that the occasion would require. Whether the United States should, or should not, be parties to such a declaration, may justly form a part of the deliberation." These words require no comment. This Congress is convened for the great object of devising the means of preventing resistance to these new States from abroad. These may be, "probably," and only probably, a public declaration; but, stronger and more serious measures may be deemed necessary-and I ask, if our Ministers are not to be sent for the very purpose of deliberating whether the United States will take part, and what part, in such measures? I might here refer to that part of the message which relates to the valedictory advice of "the Father of his Country," which it pronounces inapplicable to these new Nations, and asserts that we must have with them political relations which that illustrious statesman warned us not to have with any foreign Nation; but to this I may more properly advert hereafter.

Sir, I have already disclaimed any intention of imputing to the Executive a design to draw this country into a formal treaty upon this subject; but it is not by treaties alone, that such political connexions and associations are formed. Intimate political relations and sympathies uniformly lead to the same result; and without any formal compact, a Nation may find itself as completely entangled, and its honor as deeply involved by a long course of political associations, as by a solemn treaty stipulation. Sir, a public declaration, like that alluded to in the message, or even official assurances given by our Ministers at this Congress, would as completely involve us in the future struggles of these Governments, as a formal treaty of alliance. But I will not go into an inquiry of the various modes of alliance.. I would not form them at all, nor wil! I consent to deliberate at Panama, how far I may now go, without violating our present neutrality, without regard to future events.

None will deny that the settled policy of this country It is evident, that the only restriction upon the discus- has been not only pacific and neutral, but has been to avoid, sion of these matters is, that it shall not interfere with our as far as possible, all participation in the concerns of other "present neutrality." Our present neutrality consists of Powers, all political connexions and entangling alliances, our neutrality in the war between Spain and her former and associations not necessary for commercial purposes. colonies; and any stipulation or alliance which we may It is for the interest and happiness of the People that such contract at this Congress, to interfere in behalf of these a policy should prevail, and it is the duty of the Governcolonies in any future war, with any other Power, would ment to make it prevail. It is the duty of a wise Governbe no violation of our present neutrality, nor would import ment to consult the true and permanent interest of the hostility to any foreign Power. I say nothing now of the Nation over which it is the guardian: it pertains to such pledge spoken of in Mr. Poinsett's letter, but I will pass to a Government not to act under, but to repress all public the message of the President, which frankly discloses this excitement of this kind, though it be in the main the exvital topic as the very matter we are invited to deliberate cess of a good feeling. Public sympathy may be often about-it is treated as a prominent, and the most promi- aroused, and the People under such excitement will eanent of all the measures to be discussed at the Congress.gerly espouse the cause of a suffering Nation. In such a Here Mr. McL. adverted to the seventh and eighth pages crisis, it becomes the Government to keep a steady course of the documents, referring to the principle that the of policy, and avoid the surrounding danger. The moAmerican Continents were not to be considered as sub-ment it casts loose from those moorings of fixed and steajects for future colonization by any European Power, and dy principle, we are all afloat and liable to be drawn about quoted from the message as follows: "Most of the new by every gust of popular excitement. The neutrality of American Republics have declared their entire assent to 1793, was proclaimed by "the Father of his Country" them; and they now propose, among the subjects of con- upon this principle: it was an act of the cool but firm mosultation at Panama, to take into consideration the means deration of the Government operating on the People; it of making effectual the assertion of that principle, as well was the basis of this neutral policy, and was the preservaas the means of resisting interference from abroad, with │tion of the country. The American People was infinitethe domestic concerns of the American Governments. In ly more excited in behalf of the French Revolution than alluding to these means, it would obviously be premature it is now in the cause of these South American States; and at this time to anticipate that which is offered merely as was such as would have carried the Nation into a war, but inatter of consultation, to pronounce upon those measures which have been, or may be suggested. The purpose of this Government is to concur in none which would import hostility to Europe, or justly excite resentment in any of VOL. II.-128

for the wisdom and coolness of the Government. The same was the case with respect to the Greek struggle. It was hailed with acclamation in every part of this country, but the Government moved steadily on and kept down the