In Defense of the Bush DoctrineUniversity Press of Kentucky, 11.05.2007 - 264 Seiten The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, shattered the prevalent optimism in the United States that had blossomed during the tranquil and prosperous 1990s, when democracy seemed triumphant and catastrophic wars were a relic of the past. President George W. Bush responded with a bold and controversial grand strategy for waging a preemptive Global War on Terror, which has ignited passionate debate about the purposes of American power and the nation's proper role in the world. In Defense of the Bush Doctrine offers a vigorous argument for the principles of moral democratic realism that inspired the Bush administration's policy of regime change in Iraq. The Bush Doctrine rests on two main pillars—the inadequacy of deterrence and containment strategies when dealing with terrorists and rogue regimes, and the culture of tyranny in the Middle East, which spawns aggressive secular and religious despotisms. Two key premises shape Kaufman's case for the Bush Doctrine's conformity with moral democratic realism. The first is the fundamental purpose of American foreign policy since its inception: to ensure the integrity and vitality of a free society "founded upon the dignity and worth of the individual." The second premise is that the cardinal virtue of prudence (the right reason about things to be done) must be the standard for determining the best practicable American grand strategy. In Defense of the Bush Doctrine provides a broader historical context for the post–September 11 American foreign policy that will transform world politics well into the future. Kaufman connects the Bush Doctrine and current issues in American foreign policy, such as how the U.S. should deal with China, to the deeper tradition of American diplomacy. Drawing from positive lessons as well as cautionary tales from the past, Kaufman concludes that moral democratic realism offers the most compelling framework for American grand strategy, as it expands the democratic zone of peace and minimizes the number and gravity of threats the United States faces in the modern world. |
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... force preemptively rather than reactively. Second, the root cause of 9/11 and similarly inspired aggression is the culture of tyranny in the middle east, which spawns fanatical, aggressive, secular, and religious despotisms; hence, the ...
... forces in american politics that they represented construed the french Revolution wrongly as a struggle for well-ordered liberty analogous to the american Revolution rather than the descent into tyranny it was to become. Washington not ...
... force Kennedy calls “staggering.”43 Simultaneously, the american share of world economic product steadily expanded from 22 percent in the 1980s to about 30 percent today, as the Russian and Japanese share declined. Since the 1980s The ...
... force. These defensive neorealists consider security in international politics as generally plentiful rather than precarious. for they assume that states for the most part seek security rather than hegemony and balance against, rather ...
... forces in the Third World should be abandoned” because marxist ideology “is a relatively weak cause of alignment.”5 During the first Gulf War of 1990–1991, many leading neorealists opposed the first Bush administration's use of force to ...
Inhalt
1 | |
5 | |
23 | |
51 | |
4 The Perils of Liberal Multilateralism | 63 |
5 Moral Democratic Realism | 87 |
6 Moral Democratic Realism and the Endgame of the Cold War | 101 |
7 The Bush Doctrine and Iraq | 125 |
Beyond the War on Terror | 143 |
Epilogue | 153 |
Appendix | 157 |
Notes | 185 |
Bibliography | 217 |
Index | 241 |