In Defense of the Bush DoctrineUniversity Press of Kentucky, 11.05.2007 - 264 Seiten The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, shattered the prevalent optimism in the United States that had blossomed during the tranquil and prosperous 1990s, when democracy seemed triumphant and catastrophic wars were a relic of the past. President George W. Bush responded with a bold and controversial grand strategy for waging a preemptive Global War on Terror, which has ignited passionate debate about the purposes of American power and the nation's proper role in the world. In Defense of the Bush Doctrine offers a vigorous argument for the principles of moral democratic realism that inspired the Bush administration's policy of regime change in Iraq. The Bush Doctrine rests on two main pillars—the inadequacy of deterrence and containment strategies when dealing with terrorists and rogue regimes, and the culture of tyranny in the Middle East, which spawns aggressive secular and religious despotisms. Two key premises shape Kaufman's case for the Bush Doctrine's conformity with moral democratic realism. The first is the fundamental purpose of American foreign policy since its inception: to ensure the integrity and vitality of a free society "founded upon the dignity and worth of the individual." The second premise is that the cardinal virtue of prudence (the right reason about things to be done) must be the standard for determining the best practicable American grand strategy. In Defense of the Bush Doctrine provides a broader historical context for the post–September 11 American foreign policy that will transform world politics well into the future. Kaufman connects the Bush Doctrine and current issues in American foreign policy, such as how the U.S. should deal with China, to the deeper tradition of American diplomacy. Drawing from positive lessons as well as cautionary tales from the past, Kaufman concludes that moral democratic realism offers the most compelling framework for American grand strategy, as it expands the democratic zone of peace and minimizes the number and gravity of threats the United States faces in the modern world. |
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... economic, or scientific fact which makes me feel that we are less capable. I know of nothing which makes me feel that we might not, or cannot, march along the same road. ... observe that the policy of england takes no account of which ...
... economic conditions, powerful heartland empires could mount a more plausible attempt at world domination than ever before. He ranked Germany, and eventually Russia, as the two most formidable contenders for achieving such domination. as ...
... .”43 Simultaneously, the american share of world economic product steadily expanded from 22 percent in the 1980s to about 30 percent today, as the Russian and Japanese share declined. Since the 1980s The Imprudence of Isolationism 19.
... economy will remain way ahead of China's, even under the most optimistic scenarios for Chinese economic growth and political stability. Josef Joffe shows why with this highly plausible calculation: assuming China maintains a 7 percent ...
... economy will at some point have to adjust to the decline in the dollar and a rise in interest rates. But these trends will at worst slow the growth of u.S. consumers' standard of living, not undermine the united States' role as global ...
Inhalt
1 | |
5 | |
23 | |
51 | |
4 The Perils of Liberal Multilateralism | 63 |
5 Moral Democratic Realism | 87 |
6 Moral Democratic Realism and the Endgame of the Cold War | 101 |
7 The Bush Doctrine and Iraq | 125 |
Beyond the War on Terror | 143 |
Epilogue | 153 |
Appendix | 157 |
Notes | 185 |
Bibliography | 217 |
Index | 241 |