In Defense of the Bush DoctrineUniversity Press of Kentucky, 11.05.2007 - 264 Seiten The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, shattered the prevalent optimism in the United States that had blossomed during the tranquil and prosperous 1990s, when democracy seemed triumphant and catastrophic wars were a relic of the past. President George W. Bush responded with a bold and controversial grand strategy for waging a preemptive Global War on Terror, which has ignited passionate debate about the purposes of American power and the nation's proper role in the world. In Defense of the Bush Doctrine offers a vigorous argument for the principles of moral democratic realism that inspired the Bush administration's policy of regime change in Iraq. The Bush Doctrine rests on two main pillars—the inadequacy of deterrence and containment strategies when dealing with terrorists and rogue regimes, and the culture of tyranny in the Middle East, which spawns aggressive secular and religious despotisms. Two key premises shape Kaufman's case for the Bush Doctrine's conformity with moral democratic realism. The first is the fundamental purpose of American foreign policy since its inception: to ensure the integrity and vitality of a free society "founded upon the dignity and worth of the individual." The second premise is that the cardinal virtue of prudence (the right reason about things to be done) must be the standard for determining the best practicable American grand strategy. In Defense of the Bush Doctrine provides a broader historical context for the post–September 11 American foreign policy that will transform world politics well into the future. Kaufman connects the Bush Doctrine and current issues in American foreign policy, such as how the U.S. should deal with China, to the deeper tradition of American diplomacy. Drawing from positive lessons as well as cautionary tales from the past, Kaufman concludes that moral democratic realism offers the most compelling framework for American grand strategy, as it expands the democratic zone of peace and minimizes the number and gravity of threats the United States faces in the modern world. |
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... asia, the middle east, and Latin america. Instead, he advocates a return to isolationism—or in his preferred designation, “the america first tradition”—which, he claims, governed american foreign policy from 1776 until 1917. There are ...
... eastern asia and the middle east. nor can americans prudently ignore the imperative of revising u.S. grand strategy to meet new threats, or pursuing new opportunities that dynamic and changing conditions in world politics may yield ...
... east asia; Germany master of europe; and america mistress of the Western Hemisphere.”27 Buchanan adds: “If Hitler ... asia fighting Hitler and tojo,” because he does not believe the united States was threatened by Japan's bid for empire ...
... eastern europe as possible, which at least would have saved Berlin and most of Czechoslovakia from Soviet control. a ... asia because of the intrinsic resources those regions possess, and the middle east because of its abundance of oil ...
... east. The world's need to ensure access to that region's enormous supplies of oil is an important reason but not the ... asia, and the middle east, now and for some time to come. even Paul Kennedy has repudiated his earlier warnings ...
Inhalt
1 | |
5 | |
23 | |
51 | |
4 The Perils of Liberal Multilateralism | 63 |
5 Moral Democratic Realism | 87 |
6 Moral Democratic Realism and the Endgame of the Cold War | 101 |
7 The Bush Doctrine and Iraq | 125 |
Beyond the War on Terror | 143 |
Epilogue | 153 |
Appendix | 157 |
Notes | 185 |
Bibliography | 217 |
Index | 241 |