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all ENGLISH patriots to guard against the first encroachments of the crown; and hence alone the existence, at this day, of ENGLISH liberty.

There is, however, one occafion, where the parlia ment has departed from this maxim; and that is, in the preffing of feamen. The exercife of an irregular power is here tacitly permitted in the crown; and though it has frequently been under deliberation, how that power might be rendered legal, and granted, under proper reftrictions, to the fovereign, no fafe expedient could ever be proposed for that purpose; and the danger to liberty always appeared greater from law than from ufurpation. While this power is exercised to no other end than to man the navy, men willingly fubmit to it, from a fenfe of its use and neceffity; and the failors, who are alone affected by it, find no body to support them, in claiming the rights and privileges, which the law grants, without diftinction, to all ENGLISH fubjects. But were this power, on any occafion, made an inftrument of faction or minifterial tyranny, the oppofite faction, and indeed all lovers of their country, would immediately take the alarm, and fupport the injured party; the liberty of ENGLISHMEN Would be afferted; juries would be implacable; and the tools of tyranny, acting both against law and equity, would meet with the fevereft vengeance. On the other hand, were the parliament to grant fuch an authority, they would probably fall into one of these two inconveniencies: They would either beftow it under fo many restrictions as would make it lofe its effect, by cramping the authority of the crown; or they would render it fo large and comprehensive, as might give occafion to great abufes, for which we could, in that cafe, have no remedy. The very irregularity of the practice,

at

at present, prevents its abuses, by affording fo easy a remedy against them.

I pretend not, by this reasoning, to exclude all poffibility of contriving a register for seamen, which might man the navy, without being dangerous to liberty. I only obferve, that no fatisfactory scheme of that nature has yet been proposed. Rather than adopt any project hitherto invented, we continue a practice feemingly the moft abfurd and unaccountable. Authority, in times of full internal peace and concord, is armed against law. A continued Violence is permitted in the crown, amidst the greatest jealousy and watchfulness in the people; nay proceeding from those very principles: Liberty, in a country of the highest liberty, is left entirely to its own defence, without any countenance or protection: The wild ftate of nature is renewed, in one of the most civilized societies of mankind: And great violence and diforder are committed with impunity; while the one party pleads obedience to the fupreme magiftrate, the other the fanction of fundamental laws.

1

ESSAY

XI.

Of the POPULOUSNESS of ANCIENT NATIONS.

TH

HERE is very little ground, either from reafon or obfervation, to conclude the world eternal or incorruptible. The continual and rapid motion of matter, the violent revolutions with which every part is agitated, the changes remarked in the heavens, the plain traces as well as tradition of an universal deluge, or general convulfion of the elements; all these prove ftrongly the mortality of this fabric of the world, and its paffage, by corruption or diffolution, from one ftate or order to another. It must therefore, as well as each individual form which it contains, have its infancy, youth, manhood, and old age; and it is probable, that, in all these variations, man, equally with every animal and vegetable, will partake. In the flourishing age of the world, it may be expected, that the human fpecies fhould poffefs greater vigour both of mind and body, more profperous health, higher fpirits, longer life, and a stronger inclination and power of generation. But if the general system of things, and human fociety of course, have any fuch gradual revolutions, they are too flow to be difcernible in that fhort period which is comprehended by history and tradition. Stature and force of body, length of life, even courage and extent of genius, feem hitherto to have

been

been naturally, in all ages, pretty much the fame, The arts and sciences, indeed, have flourished in one period, and have decayed in another: But we may observe, that, at the time when they rose to greatest perfection among one people, they were perhaps totally unknown to all the neighbouring nations; and though they univerfally decayed in one age, yet in a fucceeding generation they again revived, and diffused themselves over the world. As far, therefore, as obfervation reaches, there is no univerfal difference difcernible in the human species; and though it were allowed, that the univerfe, like an animal body, had a natural progress from infancy to old age; yet as it must still be uncertain, whether, at present, it be advancing to its point of perfection, or declining from it, we cannot thence presuppose any decay in human nature. To prove, therefore, or account for that fuperior populoufnefs of antiquity, which is commonly fuppofed, by the imaginary youth or vigour of the world, will scarcely be admitted by any juft reafoner. These general phyfical caufes ought entirely to be excluded from this question.

There are indeed fome more particular phyfical causes of importance. Diseases are mentioned in antiquity, which are almoft unknown to modern medicine; and new diseases have arifen and propagated themselves, of which there are no traces in ancient hiftory. In this particular we may obferve, upon comparison, that the disadvantage is much on the fide of the moderns. Not to mention fome others of lefs moment; the fmall-pox commit fuch ravages, as would almost alone account for the great fuperiority afcribed to ancient times. The tenth or the twelfth part of mankind, deftroyed every generation, fhould make a vaft difference, it may be thought,

* See NOTE [T],

in the numbers of the people; and when joined to venereal diftempers, a hew plague diffused every where, this disease is perhaps equivalent, by its conftant operation, to the three great fcourges of mankind, war, peftilence, and famine. Were it certain, therefore, that ancient times were more populous than the prefent, and could no moral caufes be affigned for fo great a change; thefe phyfical caufes alone, in the opinion of many, would be fufficient to give us fatisfaction on that head.

But is it certain, that antiquity was fo much more populous, as is pretended? The extravagancies of VosSIUS, with regard to this fubject, are well known. But an author of much greater genius and difcernment has ventured to affirm, that, according to the beft computations which thefe fubjects will admit of, there are not now, on the face of the earth, the fiftieth part of mankind, which existed in the time of JULIUS CASAR *. It may eafily be observed, that the comparifon, in this cafe, must be imperfect, even though we confine ourfelves to the scene of ancient hiftory; EUROPE, and the nations round the MEDITERRANEAN. We know not exactly the numbers of any EUROPEAN kingdom, or even city, at prefent: How can we pretend to calculate thofe of ancient cities and ftates, where hiftorians have left us fuch imperfect traces? For my part, the matter appears to me fo uncertain, that, as I intend to throw together fome reflections on that head, I fhall intermingle the enquiry concerning causes with that concerning facts; which ought never to be admitted, where the facts can be ascertained with any tolerable affurance. We fhall, firft, confider whether it be probable, from what we know of the fituation of fociety in both periods, * Lettres PERSANES. See alfo L'Esprit de Loix, liv. xxiii. cap. 17, 18,

that

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