an intolerant administration, the means to perpetuate the fears and jealousies of each party, and to obtain from all in their turn their neutrality, if not their actual assistance against their dissident brethren. When they ought to shun the snare in which they have been so often caught; and having learned the secret of their enemies policy, to divide and to defeat them, by withdrawing the Roman Catholics when the Protestant Dissenters complain, the Protestant Disssenters when the Roman Catholics complain, asking redress for themselves alone; they ought to join hands, and with united efforts in a cause so truly common to them all, to struggle for the extinction of all intolerance.

"For themselves the petitioners have answered these questions in the affirmative. To them it appears evident, that the policy of asking one partial concession after another, with a view gradually to obtain that full restoration of liberty of conscience, to which all men have a right, is worn out, and ought to be abandoned because the crown has been advised to declare the resolution to concede nothing more: because by the delay of the oppressed parties to engage in the pursuit of their joint interest, the weight of every party, but one will naturally, and almost necessarily, continue to be thrown, on every partial application for relief, into the scale of that administration, by whom that pernicious advice was given: because the demand by any one sect, of redress confined to themselves alone, and excluding their equally innocent, and equally aggrieved brethren of other classes, cannot but appear ungracious to the disappointed parties and because, by the selfishness of their demand, generous men will be disgusted, and will be less concerned to support it; and the artful enemies of religious liberty

will be better enabled to misrepresent to the nation, the sect which may have thus applied, as men of a close and covered but dangerous ambition, who are struggling not to recover the common rights and privileges of citizens, but to gain power, and a political establishment of their church.

Such policy the petitioners consider to be hopeless, in their apprehension it cannot lead the dissidents to success, or not at least to a safe and happy pacification; whether the redress sought separately by any sect, should be some partial boon of little importance, as on some occasions in the early part of this reign; or should be a claim, still partial, though extensive as that emancipation more recently asked by the Roman Catholics of Ireland.-The policy of advancing small requests, which on the former occasions had been practised with success by them, and by the Protestant Dissenters, was wisely discontinued in the years 1805 and 1808. The principal Roman Catholics of Ireland saw, that the time for pressing small requests was then past. The union of Great Britain with Ireland hal been recently effected, chiefly by the promise of redress to the Dissidents,. and their frank reliance upon it. But the promises of ministers are more easily given than performed. It was soon understood that their pledge would not be redeemed. Irritated by the sharpened sense of oppression, and provoked by disappointment, the great body of the Irish people were enraged to a dangerous degree of discontent. these circumstances, the leading Dissidents were aware, that it behoved them not to trifle with the feelings of their people, or to waste their efforts by nugatory applica tions to parliament, for concessions which, however small, would be refused, or if granted by some ca

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price of power, would be sure to content the people. They justly thought it preferable policy to state the full extent of their grievance and to claim complete redress. This was conduct becoming free men, and the full exposure of the injuries which they suffer from the operation of persecuting laws, and the able discussion of their claim of redress, in each of those years have materially contributed to discredit intolerance, and to accelerate the arrival of that period, when if equal justice for all the dissident sects be sought, it may be obtained, through the influence of a liberal public prevailing over the unwise counsels of men in power.

In the year 1810, the Roman Catholics of Ireland again assembled to renew their application for the complete redress of their peculiar grievance; for still they saw in Britain no disposition to form a cordial union of all the aggrieved par ties for their common relief; or none sufficient to encourage them to ground their application on those principles of justice and religion on which a comprehensive plan for their union and co-operation in support of their joint claims might be expected to succeed. In the present session, therefore, their unwearied advocate has once more presented to parliament their petition, "Praying the total abolition of the penal laws, which aggrieve the Catholics of IreJand" and doubtless it will be considered there with increased interest and respect. They who agree with us in affirming the indefeasible right of all men to enjoy absolute liberty of conscience in the choice and profession of religion, cannot but most cordially wish success to Mr. Grattan's efforts in the cause of his countrymen. But still we can entertain no sanguine hope that the success

on any

ful close of his labours is near at hand. Their petition asks justice for themselves to obtain it, they must ask it for others also. They and the dissidents of the various protestaut classes must consider their own pe culiar relief, if obtained other principle, to be but a precarious boon, reluctantly granted, liable to resumption, and certain not to produce that general satisfaction which would render the acquisition a blessing to their country, They or possibly to themselves. should consider even this partial and imperfect success to be improbable, at present; and the Irish Cachohes especially, instead of resting their cause, and the fate of themselves, and their country, on bare possibilities, and a continuation of separate efforts, which too probably might disappoint them, should con sider what means of conciliation can be found, what hopes can be reasonably formed that a general union of the interests and efforts of all the dissidents may be eflected. When this union, or some considerable approach to it. has been accomplished, the principle of justice to others, as well as to themselves, would be taken as the ground of their petitions, and to that principle seriously and sincerely pressed, the caprice and obstinacy of powerful men, we trust, would give way. But till that vivifying principle be there, till it generally animate the dissident sects, and till a respectable portion of our national clergy avow their concurrence, it is to be feared that the spirit of toleration, though powerfully aided by the councils of policy, is not sufficiently predomi nant in this country to overcome the repugnance of our government; and to procure for all, or for any of our sects, the grant of emancipation.

When far smaller boons have been recently and most ungraciously re

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fused to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, on what ground of probability can it be supposed, that this incomparably greater concession will be yielded to them, with whatever prudence, dignity, or eloquence their plea may have been drawn, or introduced to parliament, when placed. as it is, not on the basis of impartial justice and religion, but on the unstable grounds of policy and favour. It is true that some accession of strength to their cause has been obtained from the co-operation of their Roman Catholic brethren in Eng-.. land. But no disposition to give any countenance to the Irish claim has appeared among the Presbyterians of Scotland, and though many individuals among the Protestant Dissenters of England are honourably distinguished by their liberality, yet, the various sects, and the collective body, have alike forbora to declare their approbation and concurrence. In this case, therefore, the intoler-, ant adversary of the Irish Dissidents will enjoy a peculiar advantage to. inflame the prejudices of the nation respecting the religion of Rome, and the increased danger from its pro-, fessors; will once more naise, with apparent consistency, the howl of bigots and fanatics, and too probably retard that happy pacification which must be the consequence of a fuil and impartial restoration of liberty of conscience.,

To these discouraging considera tions add the disappointment in Ireland, from the offer of the veto, and the unfortunate retraction of it; the necessity that a safe and proper, substitute for it should be found, and the numerous difficulties which will obstruct the attainment of that substitute when found. Add to these embarrassing circumstances, the disputes which may arise, which may be sought indeed to, perplex the settlement of other measures, ne

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cessary to secure the established institutions in church and state, and to give permanent satisfaction to all the great parties in these islands. And who then could wonder, if the heart of peaceful Irish Dissidents, and doubtless many such there are, who love their country, and their religion, should be appalled by the foreign dangers which threaten the one, and should be ready to sink within them, in despair to see the other freed from the shackles of intolerance.

But what faintest gleam of hope has appeared shooting athwart the the thick political gloom which surrounds us; and already perhaps has begun to cheer the dejected Catholic of heland, whose conscience has spcken sincerely to the legislature all his wants; yet could he discern no rational hope that his just prayer would be granted! That faintest ray of hope has arisen whence perhaps he least expected it to arise, from members of the church, of England; and if the Catholic should not be wanting in prudence to himself, that ray will be sufficient to light him on his road to a just success. In England it has been felt by friends unknown to him, that impartial justice may succeed where partiality would fail; it has been seen, that after the long obduracy of intolerance, gospel-benevolence is advancing, and has melted the hearts of many of our countrymen, Already the righteous cause of gospel-liberty has been opened out to them by one petition, signed by a small band of churchmen. A second, praying, like the first, that every species of tolerance may be for ever extinguished among us, has been tendered for subscription to christians of every denomination

*

It was signed also by one Protestant Dissenter, the venerable Dr. Disney.

which is known in England; not without some reasonable success in various parts of the kingdom. Among the foremost in the columns of several duplicates appear the sig. natures of a body of Roman Catholic gentry of the North of England, honourably distinguished by their can dour and liberality; and the signatures of churchmen and of other protestants, not less candid and liberal, appear intermingled with them. Let not the Irish Catholic, therefore, yield to despondence, and far less to desperation. When these men shall approach the bar of parliament, it will be a novel and an affecting sight; and the true christian who may see it, will bless it from the bottom of his heart. The almost despairing Dissident ought not to think it will make no impression in his favour there, or on the mind of the public. Too long have christians been at variance; and their most benevolent religion has been too long dishonoured by their mutual intolerance. It is time they should reunite themselves in peace and harmony; it is time that they should listen to the voice of religion, and practice those rules of justice and benevolence, which are fundamental duties of the gospel. Let the Irish Catholic follow the example set him by the wisdom and liberality of his most enlightened brethren in England, by Protestants also, of every denomination, and of equal candour and benevolence; let him hold out to them the right hand of fellowship, and of union in the same truly christian cause of duty, and the common rights of men; and then let him not doubt, that success to the extent of their joint wishes, will finally crown their pacific efforts.

On any other ground but that of right, by any other means than those of law and the constitution, success will be unattainable; if by success

be meant an amicable and lasting pacification of these kingdoms. If evils of great magnitude should be removed by the partial grant of favour to this or that particular sect, which no one can deny to be possi ble; yet still, new evils perhaps of equal magnitude, would arise from the fears, the jealousies, and the resentment which that partiality would, of course, excite in all the rest. It is the interest of Ireland that Britain should be satisfied; it is the interest of Britain also, that Ireland should be happy: Neither in this, nor in that country, should the just patriot consent to gratify the wish of the one, without dealing out to the other the same advantage with impartial liberality. These were the princi ples on which some of our wisest statesmen, now living, acted, soon after the death of Mr. Fox; these were their views of public good, for which they nobly sacrificed the favour of the monarch, and the pos session of power. Let these be the views and the ruling principles o our Dissidents, also, of every class throughout these islands; let them unite together for the purpose of et fecting their joint redress: union for that purpose is the common in terest of them all. When thus unit ed on the grounds of justice, th Dissidents shall claim for others wha they ask for themselves, they wil advance their claim with augmente numbers and redoubled efficacy; th rectitude, the generosity of their con duct, will conciliate the affection a humane and generous nation, an increase the weight of their plication: at last, it may be just hoped that the parliament will yie to their perseverance, and will r ward their benevolence, and the m deration of their exertions by est blishing such a system of equitab pacification, as shall at once confir in perfect safety the civil and relig

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