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and little can be gained by the contest. The British fleet may capture the American shipping, and burn some of their towns on the coast, while America may annoy the West Indian trade, and succeed in capturing some of the islande, Canada and Nova Scotia most probably would fall under her power. To anation absorbed in commerce, and principally alive to motives of gain, probably we may speak more to their hearts by exhibiting calculations of profit and lossin a commercial point of view. America can do better without our ma nufactures than we can do without her as a purchaser, and a supplier of some articles of prime importance in our manufactures. Notwith. standing, the war for a season may be popular, and the people may be grati fied in the r favourite scheme of domi

neering arrogance. The gentle voice of humanity deploring the evils of war may be disregarded and the stronger clamour of interest arising from the loss of trade may be drowned by the still louder noise of that spirit which delights to hear the echoes of the cannons roar, yet a time will arrive when reason's voice will be heard and we shall have to deplore the infatuation of listening to warlike counsels. We are still semi-barbarous, and it is the glory of savages to delight in war As the progress of reason advances it will be

found that the interests of nations consist in cultivating the blessings of peace and the benefits of mutual assistance, instead of delighting in the destructive ravages, and energies of war "True self love, and social is the same." Man was formed to assist, not to destroy his fellow. The interests of nations are the same as those of individuals. Both approach more to perfection, as they subdue their malevolent passions. War is an aggre. gation of every species of evil.

The king's illness increases. How far his bodily health suffered is not

clearly known, as the diplomatique bulletins of the physicians affect a studied ambiguity. But his mental malady affords no favourable prog nostics.

An end has been put to the session by commission, and a speech delivered in the name of the Regent which is not comprehensive, and gives little insight into the arcana of the cabinet, It is a subject of the most interesting and anxious expectation, to conteni plate how the prince will conduct, when he comes to act with ministers of his own choice.

The ministry seem, in Lord Stanhope's bill, which they have adopted as their own, to have joined issue with the public, on the question of depreciation in the paper currency, The ministry say, there is no Ge precia ion, and by King, Lords, and Comn ons! there shall be no depreciation. Public opinion, on the other han, says, and acts as if it believed, just the contrary— not only says there is a depreciation, but every order in society endeavours as early as it possibly can, to take the advan tage in removing the burthen frem its own shoulders. All the inferior orders have already done this, as well continued rise of articles of the first as they could, by the very rapid, and ly, at the season of receiving their necessity; and it is only periodical

rents, that the landbolders had the power of compensating themselves, in some degree, for the effects of that depreciation, which they were oblig. ed ter a time back, to suffer, in all their expenditure. All the consequences of this depreciation have been for some time past, perfectly wellunderstood and practised throughout the whole intercourse of society, but violent declamation arises against an individual (Lord King) for expressing openly what is every where, and by every person, understood and practised.

For our parts, we think the earlier any individual who fears his insolvency, makes up a true statement of his affairs, the more honourable it will be for himself, the more satisfactory to his creditors, and the more really advantageous to both parties. But wherever there is a favourite hobby-horsical expense, to be gratified at all events, which forms the real cause of the embarrassment, the time for thus seitling the accounts, is always procrastinated, until he in vain endeavours to escape from the jaws of bankruptcy and ruin. It is the misery of the times, that a different ule, and a different moral and political estimate is made in our judgment of individuals, and of communities. The ministers declaration of the ne cessity of the war, is accompanied by the acclamation of both parties, and therefore, there follows the same necessity of keeping us carefully blindfolded to our real situation, and of accusing any man who assists in opening our eyes, that he is making that pit-fall before our feet, which he had only helped us to discover.

Most of the subscriptions for Peter Finnerty have been paid in, and a sum of £40 British has been rémitted to him Those who may yet incline to support the liberty of the press in the person of its undaunted defender are requested to return their subscriptions in the course of the ensuing month, that the account may be finally closed No measure can more effectually vindicate the highly important feedom of the press, than that the public should extend their shield to support the victims, who may fall under the weight of power.

DOCUMENTS.

At a meeting of the Catholics of Ireland, held in Dublin, on Tuesday the 9th of July, 1811, at the Private Theatre, in Fishamble-street.

THE EARL OF FINGALL IN THE CHAIR,

Resolved, That being impressed with an unalterable conviction of its being the undoubted right of every man to worship his creator according to the genuine dictates of his own conscience, we deem it our duty publicly and solemnly to declare our decided opinion and principle, that no government can with justice, inflict any pains, penalty, or privation upon any man for professing that form of christian faith which he in his conscience believes.

Resolved, That we shall therefore persevere in petitioning the legislature for a total and unqualified repeal of the penal laws, which aggrieve and degrade the Ca

tholics of Ireland.

Resolved, That in exercising this undoubted right of petitioning, we shall con tinue to adhere to the ancient principles of

the constitution, and to conform also to the which peculiar restrictions, by modern statutes are imposed on the people of Ireland.

Resolved, That a committee of Catholics be therefore appointed and requested to cause proper petitions to be forthwith framed for the repcal .of the penal laws, and to procure signatures thereto in all parts of Ireland, and to take measures for bringing such petitions under the serious consideration of the legislature within the first month of the ensuing session of parlia

ment.

Resolved, That said committee do con. sist of the Catholic peers and their eldest sons, the Catholic baronets, the prelates of the Catholic church in Ireland, and also ten persons to be appointed by the Ca tholics in each county in Ireland, the survivors of the delegates of 1793, to constitute

an integral part of that number, and also of five persons to be appointed by the Catholic inhabitants of each parish in Dublin.

Resolved, That the appointment of the said persons be made forthwith.

Resolved, That until the new committee Catholic affairs shall be confided to the shall be appointed, the management of Catholic peers, baroneis and survivors of the delegates of 1793.

Resolved, That the sum of £500 be offered to our invaluable secretary, Mr. Hay, as a small tribute of Catholic gratitude.

Resolved, That the sum of £500 be collected and presented to William Todd

Jones, esq. for his eminent services to the population of the district is nearly doubled Catholics of Ireland. within ten years; whilst that of the city is almost trebled.

Resolved, That a subscription be set on foot for the relief of Mr. Finnerty, now lying in Lincoln gaol.

Resolved, That the thanks of the Catholics of Ireland are due, and hereby given to the Earl of Donoughmore, and the Right Honourable Henry Grattan.

Resolved, That the thanks of the Catholics of Ireland are due, and hereby given to the lord bishop of Norwich, the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Marquis of Downshire, the Earl of Moira, Lord Holland, and the other noble lords who supported our cause in the house of peers.

Resolved, That the thanks of the Catholics are due, and hereby given to Mr. Whitbread, Mr. George Ponsonby, Sir John Newport, Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. W. Smith, General Mathew, Mr. Parnell, Mr. Tighe, Mr. Prittie, and the other gentlemen who supported our petition in the house

of commons.

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The city is in truth in a prosperous situ ation, and the rapidity with which it is now improving augurs a still greater increase than we have experienced for three the centre of the city, uniting the Potomac years past. The canal which passes through and Eastern branch, is now nearly finished, holders of property on its banks more and will embellish the city, and benefit the than we fear it will those gentlemen whose public spirit induced them to undertake it. Many new houses have been already commenced this season, and more are in contemplation; so that we may safely say the increase of Washington is as rapid as that of any city whose population commenced under similar circumstances.

NOTICE OF LORD KING TO HIS TENANT.

contract.

By lease, dated 1802, you have contracted to pay the annual rent of £47. 5s. in good and lawful money of Great Britain. In consequence of the late great depreciation of paper money, I can no longer accept any bank notes, at their nominal va lue, in payment or satisfaction of an old I must therefore desire you to provide for the payment of your rent in the legal gold coin of the realm. At the same time, having no other object than to secure payment of the real intrinsic value of the sum stipulated by agreement, and being desirous to avoid giving you any unnecessary trouble, I shall be willing to receive payment in either of the manners following according to your option.— 1st. By payment in guineas;-2d. If guineas cannot be procured, by a payment in Portugal gold coin, equal in weight to the numbers of guineas requisite to discharge the rent;-Sd. By a payment in Bankpaper of a sum suficient to purchase (at the present market price) the weight of standard gold requisite to discharge the rent, The alteration of the value of the papermoney is estimated in this manner; the price of gold in 1802, the year of your agreement, was £4, an ounce. The present market price is £4. 14s. arising from the diminished value of paper; in that proportion an addition of £17. 10s. per cent. in paper money will be required as the equivalent, for the payment of rent in paper."

AGRICULTURAL REPORT.

From June 20, till July 20.

THE heavy rains that fell about the time the last report went to press, were succeeded by very hot and dry weather, which by hardening the soil has produced an injurious effect on the crops. Oats in particular, it is to be feared, will not turn out more than three fourths of an average crop, if so much; the straw will in general be short, and the ear small.

Potatoes continue to have a most unfavourable appearance in many parts of the country, and there is reason to believe they will turn out extremely unproductive.

Flax has been considerably improved by the late seasonable showers, yet there is no great prospect of its having a full crop, as it is both thin and short in a general way. The warm dry weather that has continued for several weeks, has furnished the fariners with an opportunity of getting up their hay in fine order, the quality of course is ex, cellent, and the quantity considerable.

COMMERCIAL REPORT.

The latter part of the present session has been rendered remarkable by a discussion, which was unexpectedly brought forward in relation to the depreciation of the paper currency. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was some time ago in a hurry to have

A writer in the Belfast Commercial Chronicle of 17th inst. under the signature of X. Y. objects to the assertion in the last Commercial Report, "that the depreciation of bank notes is indubitably proved." The writer of that report relies on proof for his assertion, that both gold and silver bullion have advanced, so that the mint cannot afford to issue a fresh coinage, but the national banks step in to supply the deficiency by issuing their silver tokens, either of a baser quality, or at a much higher value than the former mint coinage passed at; that from the too great quantity of paper in circulation, every commodity is risen in value, and consequently the tenant gets more for the produce of his land; and that a paper currency not convertible into gold at the pleasure of the holder, is virtually by the very act depreciated. The demand for gold varies as any other article. If a person does not require gold for his present purposes, he does not go into the market to purchase. Thus the discount of the day does not arise from any spe culative opinions as to the slidity of bank paper, but from the relative deinand for the guineas, and the quantity at that time in the market. Still bank paper is depreciated unless the holder of a bank note has his option as formerly to receive gold or silver of legal fineness at the legal value, if he please to demand it. The fact may be placed in other terms, when discount is at 10 per cent, a guinca in relation to paper is worth nearly £1.5s. By such a statement it appears that a guinea is better by 2s. 3d. than its paper mock substitute. Is not this depreciation? The effect of making notes a legal tender for rent, or any other debt on a long contract, would be to benefit the debtor, and rob the creditor. If a landlord is forced to take his payment in a currency rapidly depreciating, he will guard himself against granting any lease in future, but secure himself from year to year by charging an additional rent to indemnify himself for the loss of taking a depreciated currency. The war is the cause of the disappearance of gold. The bank restriction act was caused by the war, and has produced that crisis which prevents gold and paper from circulating in company at an equal value. X. Y. may thus find that the blame of bringing on the present difficulties rests with the government, and with all those who directly or indirectly lent the sanction of popular opinion in aid of warlike measures. Therefore neither landlord nor tenant, neither debtor nor creditor is exclusively to blame, only as far as each individual by his own conduct promoted the present crisis which arises not from the effect of the seasons, or from natural causes, but is the result of the misgovernment of rulers sanctioned by many of the people during the progress of the fatal measures which led to the present catastrophe. In the discussions which have taken place in this country on the subject of bank notes, the writers have in general taken a too limited view of the subject, by dwelling only on their own convenien

the resolutions founded on the report of the Bullion Committee negatived in order to put the question to rest, vainly hoping that a vote of the house of Commons, would settle the question of the depreciation, which arises from the powerful operation of political causes springing out of the war. This rest was disturbed by Lord King, who in a manly manner, with a noble disregard to popular clamour, to give a practical proof of the depreciation, served his tenant with a notice either to pay his rent in guineas, in bullion or foreign coin, or to allow a discount on bank notes equivalent to the fall on paper. Earl Stanhope viewing this business as oppressive to the tenant, without taking into consideration the hardship to the landlord, or other creditor under an old contract, to be paid in depreciated currency, introduced a bill into the house of Lords to enact, that a guinea should not pass at more than twenty-one shillings English, or that a note of the Bank of England should not be taken at less than the sum marked on it. At first ministers opposed the bill, but they soon shifted round, and supported the measure. They found the opposition lords strenuously exerting themselves against the measure, and Lord Grenville acknowledging his former error in supporting the bank restriction act in 1797, and admitting that he considered his acquiescence on that occasion, as the most humiliating act of his political life. Such might well be his feelings, for to this stoppage of the bank sanctioned by Pitt, and the ministers of that day, are many of our present sufferings to be attributed. Another circumstance occurred also to induce ministers to change their ground, in relation to Earl Stanhope's bill. The judgment against De Yonge for selling guineas above the value affixed on them, was arrested on a hearing before the judges, and it was adjudged by them that the act of Edward made before the existence of bank notes could not apply to the exchange of coin for paper. Thus was defeated the prosecution of the Attorney General, carried on at a great expense to De Yonge for commi:ting an act, which to induce him to commit, a trap was actually laid, for it may be recollected that an informer sent by the mint, went to him with a foreigner to purchase the guineas, in order to lay a ground for a criminal prosecution against him. This measure may be considered as a harsh, and no very honourable line of proceeding. By the decision of the Judges, the traffic was now left open.

Lord Stanhope's bill met with great opposition in both houses, but being now taken into the favour of ministers was carried through by large majorities. Ministers feared that the landholder would be more secure than their more pliable tool, the stockholder, and that thus their facilities for borrowing, and the consequent means of prolonging their political existence would be abridged. The bill was greatly altered in its progress through parliament, so as to retain little more than the words of the preamble, as it came from the hands of the original mover, who on the whole, does not appear to be greatly delighted with the parts engrafted on his plan, He admits the inefficacy of the entire scheme, and in his own peculiar language, allows, "it is only a coat for Humpy."

To increase the anomalies, which attend the attempt to remedy what all acknowledge to arise from a deficiency somewhere, an open is left for the traffic of guineas in Ireland, which will probably have the effect of bringing over guineas to this country, as to a legal market, whence some of them will find their way through clandestine conveyances to the continent, and others will probably be purchased by government to supply their foreign expeditions. Another open is left in the bill-even in England, the notes of private banks may be sold in exchange of guineas, for less sums than are marked on them, and thus, through a channel not very circuitous, a traffic in guineas may be maintained in open defiance of the apparent prohibitions of the act. The evils arising from an acknowledged depreciation are evident, but the remedy is totally ineffectual. It is hinted, that the next measure will be to go the length of making notes

cies and inconveniencies, without entering into the real question of depreciation, as it affects the prices of every article of purchase, and thus becomes a great and national question, affecting the vital interests of the empire. The question is not exclusively between landlord and tenant, but between security and insecurity. The question will force itself on public attention, and ere long rouse the most thoughtless to a sense of the common danger.

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