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MONTHLY RETROSPECT OF POLITICS, THE HE Catholics of Ireland (and to speak of Irish politics at present, is to speak almost exclusively of the Catholics) have on the 9th inst. re solved to persevere in petitioning the legislative for a total, and unqualified repeal of the Penal Laws, which by degrading them below their fellow citizens, have the effect of marking them in their own eyes, as well as in that of others, aliens in their native land, and by this comparative infericrity, this civic depreciation (which is felt, more or less, in every situation in life) foment and foster, under the name of Protestant ascendancy, a systematic spirit of political monopoly and exclusion, most incompatible with the internal peace, and good order of the island. They seek for the full blessings of the constitution only in the ways prescribed and warranted by the constitution; and we are willing to hope, that the time fast approaches, when the legislative union will be consolidated by the only means it can ever become efficient, an attention to the grievances of a generous, a loyal, and a patient people. In another of their resolutions, they seem to have joined issue with the Crown Lawyers upon the legal construction of the Convention Bill, by proposing the appointment of ten persons from each county in Ireland, and five from each parish in the city cf Dublin, to unite with their peers and prelates, in framing proper petitions to the legislature in the ensuing sessions of parliament. The last rejection of their petition has, in no particular, altered the main question. It has not taken any thing from the plea of right; it has not, in any degree, lessened the pressure of the expediency. Why then should they not persevere in the constitutional means of removing those PENALTIES OF PRIVATION, under which they at present suffer, privations as injurious to the true interests, and healthy or ganization of society, as the infliction of positive punishment, and therefore actually as well as nominally PENAL. In the reciprocity of allegiance and protection, the latter term must be intended to mean the equal and indiscriminate guardianship of all who have performed the duty and obligation of citizenship. If the duty be perfect, so ought to be the right. A partial protection appears not only an imperfect compensation for a sworn allegiance, but by its very nature, leaves a part, and perhaps a great part of the community which, by the very virtue of the term, should be covered by the broad Egis of the same law, leaves this portion exposed to the variable weather, and inclemency of times and seasons, and to the caprice of official station. Were the Catholics to abandon or even to relax in the pursuit of this grand political measure so imperatively demanded by the state of this country, and not less by the pressing exigencies of the empire, they would affix a voluntary disgrace on their characters as Catholic Irishmen, actuated as we trust they are, not merely by a partial interest as a religious description, but by an interest truly public and national, and intimately connected with the safety of the whole empire. They would expose themselves to additional insult and vexation, and afford a subject of triumph and exultation to their enemies, who might construe their silence into indifference, and their passive acquiescence into a proneness to servitude, or perhaps into concealed disaffection. There may be, to be sure, a "dig nified silence." But there is a silence which degrades, and which, of itself is apt to bring the mind to a mean conformity, to a mean situation a humiliating accomodation to disgraceful circumstances. It is the expressions of our feelings, which, as it were continues, and prolongs them. A silence, an habitual silence would probably smother, and extinguish those sentiments, the mere enunciation of which communicates that fervour to other bosoms which is felt in our own. The mind gives motion to the tongue, and the tongue, in its turn, re-acts upon the mind. In the same manner the pen propagates and perpetuates the internal feelings, and the PRESS, which is the Pen of the People, may best he considered in the light of an ingenious machinery, to set and to keep mind a going. Were it not for these instru ments, thought would stagnate, and instead of eloquence "which lightens upon the subject, and reaches the point by the flashings of mind that like those of the eye are felt but cannot be followed," instead of those lofty and generous feelings which are transmitted from breast to breast, like the flame of electricity, the public mind would experience what the individual does, in long solitary imprisonment. All the powers and faculties would become sodden and stupified, and the whole man, or the whole mass, would sink into contented and pitiable servitude. It was thus, that the Catholic body, without any soul to animate it, lay for a length of years. It is only since the agitation of the repeal of the penal laws that the Catholics of Ireland have made a rapid rise into the notice of others, and even into a knowledge of themselves; and it is only by the agitation of this great political question that they can con tinue to maintain an honourable dis tinction amidst their fellow citizens However protracted the day of plenary redress, the consciousness of doing what they can, and what they ought for such redress, will not only animate them in the pursuit of liberty, but will render them worthy of possessing it. When they contrast their present situation with what it was not more than twenty years ago, they will find that the progress made, has not been produced by preserving what is called "a dignified silence," but by speaking out, and by speaking on. borough-mongering system, that we believe the Catholic like the Protestant representative must be contaminated by it, and, therefore, that their desire for emancipation must be merely selfish and interested, unless their minds be employed, and their hearts expanded to that radical reform which brings the constitution home to the whole people. If The 12th of this month has as usual been attended with the Orange processions, and in some places with concomitant outrages; in others, the opposite party kept out of the way, and the Orangemen having no ob jects on which to vent their rage, quarrelled among themselves. The sermon in the morning was not well qualified to cool the passions, or to prevent drunkenness and riot in the evening. It is asserted in a periodical print, that the Prince Regent expressed his desire that no processions should take place. ibis intimation were given, the party of intolerance thought it safe to disobey, relying either on the distance from the seat of government, or on the limitations which restrict the Prince's full power, and prevent him from acting up to the dictates of his unfettered judgment. It is sincerely and ardently hoped, that the Prince, when he comes into the full possession of power as a Regent, and is relieved from the motives, which filial delicacy may suggest, so long as there remained a probability of recovery, will not suffer himself to be cajoled by artful men to continue a system of politics, which has been fraught with so many evils. We may then hope to see efforts made to save, if the possibility yet remain, a state brought into the utmost danger, by a long series of unwise counsels, and find to our highest satisfaction, a system of conciliation take place of irrita It may also be observed, that their present meetings, with all the previous, and accompanying arrangements, habituate them to a practical experience of a free constitution. They are thus qualifying themselves to become an honourable portion in the representative part of the British government, where the rights of the people may be safely deposited, and, at the stated periods, faithfully restored in their original value, and without any depreciation. And after this their long and painful probation, when all the wishes of their hearts are fully accomplished, may they then preserve the same sense as they do at present of the value of the true and genuine British constitution. In the pursuit of our rights, as in the pursuit of other blessings, all is animation and alacrity. The pursuit of freedom is spirit-stirring, healthinfusing, virtue-inspiring, but alas for poor, and often pitiful human nature, the possession, in a short season, has often corrupted, and degenerated into a curse upon the country, and a satire upon human-kind. We hope that the adoption of the Catholic into the representative body may, in itself, prove a reform, by infusing fresh vigour and virtue into the constitution. But, on the whole, such is our conviction of the effects of the |