proclamation certainly was more decent and equitable than most of their productions; though by no means sufficiently explicit. Explained, however, and confirmed by Parliament, it might have operated very beneficially, in showing to the Americans that there was at last a little remission from the unconditional tyranny of administration. But the adoption of it was therefore refused: and its sentiments disclaimed. No admission for it, into their sanctum sanctorum of intelligence, the Gazette! On the contrary, the High-priests of the Cabinet took particular care to purify themselves from the crime of any thing like equity or moderation. The perpe

tual theme of their abuse and misrepresentation is the independency of America.

They beat the old ground over and over, "that it was always the object of the colonies, and now that they have thrown off the mask, and are hardened in their guilt of rebellion, they deserve no defence, and admit no palliation." Mr. Burke said, "he did not rise to defend nor to palliate their conduct that he could neither justify it nor blame it in argument. Why? Because it was necessary and necessity was the object neither of praise nor of censure. That their independency was necessary, and their declaration of it equally so, was obvious from the first principle and right of nature, se f-defence. For that when England proscribed them and their property, deprived them of the protection, and put them under the Ban of the empire; authorizing every piratical adventurer to rob and pillage them by sea and land, they had no refuge but resistance, and no resource to make that resistance effectual but independency for they could not hope for aid from foreign states, if they acknowledged them

selves dependent upon, that is the subjects of England :-that it was incumbent on them therefore to defend themselves by declared independency, to resist our force with their force, and against our squirrel and grey-hound to oppose their ALFRED and COLUMBUS." He proved that the declaration of independence was the result more of ministerial misconduct, than of American ambition: for that it was a measure in itself so evil to them, that nothing could make them adopt it but its being a necessary evil:-that they postponed it as long as was possible, anxiously waiting for the promised commission, which was to accomodate and to pacify.-" Why was that boasted commission delayed, seven months after it received the sanction of parliament?-Because it was the object of your systematical tyranny, to drive America, by severity on one hand and delusion on the other, into a conduct which might seem to justify a continuance of your violence. Why, when the Commissioners were at last sent out, were they not invested with sufficient powers? Why were not the little powers with which they were invested, communicated to Parlia ment, to give a respect, a credit, an effect to the transaction? Because our violent and unconditional administration wished not any con ciliatory or equitable effect to the commission. If they had, they would have used arguments, not arins: they would have offered terms, but not at the point of the sword and the bayonet." He took a very wide view, and stated in the strongest light, both the injustice and impolicy of the public proceedings against America. To the latter consideration, the danger of a war with France concurred. An evil, which he stated was necessarily to fall on this country, and suspended only

by the accidental derangement of French politics; but that the natural disposition of France, her particular resentments for the disgraces of last war, and her general interest, must concur to take advantage of our calamity.”

Whether it be the interest of France that our colonies should be detached from us, is a point much disputed. Those who maintain the affirmative, argue, that whatever depresses England, must elevate France in the same proportion, rivals as they are in power and dominiou, and in many branches of trade :--that the free ports of America would communicate with France many commodities most important to both those countries; receiving from France her wines, silks, &c. and sending in exchange, corn, fish, and all sorts of naval stores: that with that unlimited opportunity of cheap importation, and the concomitant encrease of her trade, France would soon become the greatest maritime power in Europe; which, with her extraordinary inland advantages, would give her such a decided pre-eminence as might realize even the ambition of the 14th Louis, and invest her with uncontrolled and universal monarchy: that the supposed danger to her colonies, from the independence of ours, would not exist in so great a degree as their dependence, that is their union with England, creates; for that so united, they are stronger, and therefore more formidable to their neighbours: that the other danger apprehended, from the example of rebellion extending, and alluring by its success the colonies of other powers, is also groundless; for to make it real, it must be supposed that other colonies are similar in their nature to ours, capable of the same ideas, the same spirit, and the same conduct; constitutions must resemble, to be liable

to the same symptoms; whereas, in fact, no two things in nature or in art, can be more dissimilar than Boston, for instance, and a French or Spanish colony-that no argument therefore can dissuade the house of Bourbon, or France particularly, but that many, both of interest and glory, impel her to wish America for ever severed from Great Britain.

These considerations, I confess, appear to me to have great weight; especially as they are opposed ra ther by ingenious than probable surmises; which seem to arise more from a wish to conquer America, than to save England: the former idea at least is uppermost. But it defeats itself in some of the arguments on this subject. It is said, for instance, that France must object to the independence of our colonies, in consideration of her own future security, for that America will have such advantages, when an independence of situation shall permit her to expand herself, that her superior power shall endanger any other country she may choose to oppress. This, you see, admits the extraordinary growing power of the continent, and her great capabilities within herself: an admission they by no means make, when in pursuit of their favourite idea, they allege the certainty of subduing her. It is said, and parti cularly by the Abbé Raynal in bis celebrated work of the European settlements in the Indies, that danger would arise to the French colonies from the independence of ours; for though, as before observed, united with England they be stronger, and therefore might be more formidable to France, yet they are clogged in their operations by that union: for England who has so many objects of care, so much to defend and so much to lose, in Asia and Africa, is obliged to attend to the balance

and to be content with it, without risquing the ambition of attacks on the colonies of other states.

A little time will decide whether the French will be wise enough to embrace an opportunity, such as exceeds what our most sanguine enemies could wish, of gratifying their revenge, and as it appears from the above considerations, of promoting their interest. That they are able, Dr. Price attempts, and with some success, to prove in his last publication, "Additional Observations."suppose you have gotten it: but Price might have stated their ability in a still stronger point of view, if he had pushed the comparison between France, supported by America, and England deserted by her. Ability is a mere relative term; and takes its degree from the comparative situation of the parties,

I

The current opinion however, is very strong, that a general war is immediately imminent. Five prizes were sometime ago taken into Port l'Orient, by the American privateer, the Enterprize, (the same which had taken Franklin to France,) and these prizes it seems the French court are very slow in restoring; besides, the talk of an engagement between a French and English man of war, in which the latter was sunk; in short, there is an universal alarm. And Stocks, the grand criterion of public opinion, have fallen three per Every thing indeed conspires to justify the alarm, at least, of the ministerialists; for American affairs wear a complexion as unfavourable as those of Europe. The Hessian defeat at Trentown, though in itself a blow of great magnitude, was but the beginning of their sorrows, Ever since, the Americans have harrassed and driven before them the dispersed and weakened mercenaries of Germany and England. So say the

cent.

BELFAST MAG, NO. XLI.

best account; as much of them at least, as are permitted to transpire. The gazette even, acknowledged their military manoeuvre, and a capital one it was, in getting round Cornwallis and intercepting the regiments which were advancing to his relief. A relief which he much wanted; for Mercer had offered him battle, which his lordship thought proper to decline. The fact was, they both out-fought and out-eneralled our English braggadocios: and the news at present is, that they are masters of the Jerseys at least.

Where, or how, is this wretched country to procure even mercenary force to attempt another campaign? The expected aid from Wirtemburgh, a famous military dukedom in Germany, it is said will disappoint their purchases. Dr. Franklin I hear is gone to Vienna; having probably settled matters in the more southern climes; if not, Arthur Lee, (formerly agent here for the Massachuser's) will complete them at Madrid, where he is negociating. Surely the accumulated calamities of this devoted land will at last rouse the people to a severe vengeance on the traitors, who by ignorant and wicked mis-administration have disgraced and ruined this country.

But it is more than time to conclude. I shall be very happy in hearing of, and from my friends in Belfast, whom I congratulate sincerely on the perseverance of public spirit in our county: and the determination to carry in o effect the constitutional measure of continuing to support our representative. Do you ever see him ? Assure him of my particular enquiries. I shall be happy in a future letter to contribute a hint towards the medal. It is an perfecting cellent idea.

Assure all my friends of

M m in

ex

my

best

religious party he extinct at present in the laity as well as the clergy, or whether the laity be still of their religious persuasion, and the clergy, as is the tendency of human nature, attached to an ecclesiastical government, in its various forms of presbyteries, associations northern and sou

IN

to

N the present ostentatious and expensive style of publication, nothing can be more useful, and ought to be more popular, than to have a cheap conveyancer of valuable truths, such as your Magazine professes to be; a means of communicating information, which, at present, is, as it were, hoarded; not for the benefit of those who are willing, but only of those who are able to purchase costly books. The press is really secluded from the people by the high price of the manufacture. The ancient manuscript was perhaps as widely circulated, and as generally read as the modern publication. The other arts have indeed combined to adorn the art of print. ing, but the fatal effect of all these borrowed embellishments, is, make the art itself, lose sight of its great object, and primary purpose, the diffusion of knowledge and the wide circulation of truth. That circulation grows more partial and confined, when authors are so drest up by milliner printers, as to be fascinated almost as much with the exterior ornament, as with the intrinsic worth of their performances. In pursu ance of the idea of cheapening the commodity for the use of the vulgar as they are calied, I request the insertion, in your next Magazine, of an extract from Malcolm Laing's His tory of Scotland, which gives an account of the origin, institutions and character of the INDEPENDENTS, a conspicuous sect and distinguished party. We e are to judge whether this

government verging every day more and more, from causes I meɛ » not at present to investigate, into the form, practice of an establishment or allithe nature, the principles, and the

ance of church and state.

INDEPENDENTS.

R.

EACH sect in its turn has explored the gospels, in quest of the primitive form of the christian church. The puritans discovered that bishops and presbyters, overseers and elders, were originally equal, and the terms interchangable, till the first was ap propriated to the president of a congregation or synod, elevated in due course of ecclesiastical usurpation, above his co-presbyters. But as each sect beholds its opinions faithfully reflected in the mirror of the gospels, a bolder class of enthusiasts, more impatient of intolerance, had found that before the institution of a regu lar presbytery, the congregations themselves were independent and equal. The apostolical churches planted in Jerusalem, Corinth and Ephesus, were regulated by pastors freely chosen; instructed occasionally by lay-prophets; and united only by the ties of charity and a common faith. According to this early, evangelical model, they rejected the indelible character of an established and distinct order of priesthood; placed the choice and admission of pastors in the congregation at large; indulged the indiscriminate exercise of preaching; and permitted an unrestrained secession whenever their numbers or their dissensions required

a separate church *. Their defection from the established church, escaped not the severe vigilance of Elizabeth's ministers. But their abnorrence of its rigid discipline, was increased by the sufferings and execution of their clergy t; and the most opulent fled to Holland, the only secure asylum from the persecution of the age. Their infant church was established there by the toleration of the magistrates; but it was abandoned by Brown, their inconstant leader, and almost dismembered by a fruitful principle of division and decay. It was restored by Robinson, a temperate and learned divine, who reclaimed the sect from the sullen intolerance contracted under its former persecution; renewed its communion with the reformed churches; retrenched or appropriated the gift of prophecy to a chosen few; and abolished the name of Brownists; a name justly odious from the defection of their founder, whom the hopes of ecclesiastical preferment had attracted to England. Under the more honourable designation of independents, a part of the sect was restored to England in the reign of James, and continued many years alternately to endure the severity of the laws, and to elude the jealous observation of the prelates. The remainder of the congregation was diminished by the death of the older members, and

in danger of being extinguished by the intermarriages of their children into Dutch families. A select portion embarked for America, to perpetuate their declining society in a dis

Robinson's Apologia Brownistarum. + Copping and Thacker were put to death in 1583, Barrow and Greenwood in 1592. What is singular and perhaps unexampled, the two former were executed for circulating a publication for which Brown the author was pardoned, released from prison, and afterwards preferred. Neal's Hist. Purit. i. 875-89. 558.

tant land. They established themselves at New Plymouth, the first settlement in the province of Massachusetts, to which the puritans were soon driven by persecution, and attracted by civil and religious freedom. They were visited by the younger Vane, who became a secret proselyte, and was elected governor of Massachusetts; but the puritans, after his departure, revived the persecution from which they had fled themselvcs. Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Hampshire, were peopled by the fugitives, who preserved in their new settlements the spirit of toleration that distinguished their sect. On the meeting of the long partiament, when their brethren in Londen, after subsisting secretly for twen ty years, were revealed to public view, some of their choice preachers returned to England with new hopes of success, and with a fixed antipathy to the established church*.

Their progress was rapid, as their tenets were equally adapted to gratify the most enlightened, and the most enthusiastic minds. With them the visible church was neither an abstract idea, nor an empty name. Each congregation was a separate church; each church was erected on a separate rock, and the members first engaged by a solemn covenant, with united hands, to walk together in the paths, and to observe the or dinances of religion hitherto manifested, or hearafier to be revealed. They then proceeded to appoint a pastor and elders, by a general suffrage, and the imposition of their own

hands. To him their choice was sufficient ordination; to them alone he was pastor; to other congregations a mere layman; and this lax associa tion constituted a church of divise in

*Neal's Hist. of New England. Hist. of the Puritans, ii. 47. 128. Hutchison's Hist. of Massachusetts. Robertson's Hist.

of America