that is common to them with a few. The fame degree of beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treated as real beauty in one of our fex.

As 'tis ufual, in forming a notion of our species, to compare it with the other fpecies above or below it, or to compare the individuals of the fpecies among themfelves; so we often compare together the different motives or actuating principles of human nature, in order to regulate our judgment concerning it. And indeed, this is the only kind of comparifon which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the prefent queftion. Were our selfish and vicious principles fo much predominant above our focial and virtuous, as is afferted by fome philofophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of human nature. There is much of a dispute of words in all this controverfy. When a man denies the fincerity of all public spirit or affection to a country and community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt this paffion in fo clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards to reject all private friendship, if no intereft or selflove intermixes itself; I am then confident that he abuses terms, and confounds the ideas of things; fince it is impoffible for any one to be fo felfish, or rather fo ftupid, as to make no difference betwixt one man and another, and give no preference to qualities, which engage his approbation and efteem. Is he alfo, fay I, as infenfible to anger as he pretends to be to friendship? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than kindness or benefits? Impoffible: He does not know himself: He has forgot the movements of his mind; or rather he makes ufe of a different language from the reft of his countrymen, and calls not things by their proper names. What fay you of natural affection? (I fubjoin) Is that also a species of felf-love? Yes: All is felf-love. Your children are loved only because they are yours: Your friend for a like reafon: And your country engages you only fo far as it has a connexion with yourself: Were the idea of felf removed, nothing would affect you: You would be altogether inactive and infenfible: Or if you ever gave yourfelf any movement, it would only be from vanity, and a defire of fame and reputation to this fame felf: I am willing, reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you admit the facts. That fpecies of felf-love, which displays itself in kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence, and even greater, on many occafions, than that which remains in its original shape and form. For how few are there, who, having a family, children, and relations, do not spend more on the maintenance and education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly observe, may proceed from their felf-love, fince the profperity of their family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as their chief honor. Be you also one of these selfish men, and you are fure of every one's good opinion and good will; or not to fhock your nice years with thefe expreffions, the felf-love of every one, and mine amongst the rest, will then incline us to ferve you, and speak well of you.

In my opinion, there are two things which have led aftray thofe philofophers, who have infifted fo much on the felfifhnefs of man. In the first place, they found, that every act of virtue or friendship was attended with a fecret pleafure: from whence they concluded, that friendship and virtue could not be difinterested. But the fallacy of this is obvious. The virtuous fentiment or paffion produces the

pleasure,

pleasure, and does not arife from it. I feel a pleafure in doing good to my friend, because I love him; but do not love him for the fake of that pleasure.

In the fecond place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are far from being indifferent to praife; and therefore they have been reprefented as a fet of vain-glorious men, who had nothing in view but the applaufes of others: But this alfo is a fallacy. 'Tis very unjuft in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable action, to depreciate it upon that account, or afcribe it entirely to that motive. The cafe is not the fame with vanity, as with other paffions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any feemingly virtuous action, 'tis difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and 'tis natural to fuppofe it the fole actuating principle. But vanity is fo clofely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions approaches fo near the love of laudable actions for their own fake, that these paffions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of affection; and 'tis almost impoffible to have the latter without fome degree of the former. Accordingly we find, that this paffion for glory is always warped and varied according to the particular tafte or fentiment of the mind on which it falls. NERO had the fame vanity in driving a chariot, that TRAJAN had in governing the empire with juftice and ability. To love the glory of virtuous actions is a fure proof of the love of virtuous actions.

TH

HOSE who employ their pens on political fubjects, free from party-rage, and party-prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others, contributes moft to public utility, and even to the private fatisfaction of those who addict themselves to the ftudy of it. I am apt, however, to entertain a fufpicion, that the world is still too young to fix many general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latcft pofterity. We have not as yet had experience of above three thousand years; fo that not only the art of reasoning is still defective in this fcience, as well as in all others, but we even want fufficient materials upon which we can reason. 'Tis not fully known, what degrees of refinement, either in virtue or vice, human nature is fufceptible of; nor what may be expected of mankind from any great revolution in their education, cuftoms, or principles. MACHIAVEL was certainly a great genius; but having confined his ftudy to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or to the little diforderly principalities of ITALY, his reafonings, especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely defective; and there fcarce is any maxim in his prince, which fubfequent experience has not entirely refuted. A weak prince, fays he, is incapable of receiving good counsel; for if he confult with feveral, he will not be able to choofe among their different counfels. If he abandon himself to one, that minister may, perhaps, have capacity; but he will not be long a minifter: He will be sure to difpoffefs his mafter, and place himself and his own family upon the throne. I mention this, among innumerable inftances, of the errors of that politician, proceeding, in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the world, to be a good

I

1

a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of EUROPE are at prefent governed by their minifters; and have been fo for near two centuries; and yet no fuch event has ever happened, or can poffibly happen. SEJANUS might project dethroning the CESARS; but FLEURY, tho' ever fo vicious, could not, while in his fenfes, entertain the leaft hopes of difpoffeffing the BoURBONS.

TRADE was never esteemed an affair of ftate, 'till the laft century; and there fcarcely is any ancient writer on politics, who has made mention of it. Even the ITALIANS have kept a profound filence with regard to it; tho' it has now excited the chief attention, as well of minifters of ftate, as of fpeculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and military atchievements of the two maritime. powers, feem first to have instructed mankind in the vast importance of an extenfive commerce.

of

HAVING, therefore, intended in this effay to have made a full comparison of civil liberty and abfolute government, and to have fhewn the great advantages o the former above the latter; I began to entertain a fufpicion, that no man in this age was fufficiently qualified for fuch an undertaking; and that whatever any one fhould advance on that head would, in all probability, be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by pofterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and fo many events have arifen contrary to the expectation of the ancients, that they are fufficient to beget the fufpicion of ftill further changes.

Ir had been obferved by the ancients, that all the arts and fciences arofe among free nations; and, that the PERSIANS and EGYPTIANS, notwithstanding. all their eafe, opulence and luxury, made but faint efforts towards a relish in thofe finer pleasures, which were carried to fuch perfection by the GREEKS, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty, and the greatest fimplicity of life and manners. It had also been obferved, that as foon as the GREEKS loft their liberty tho' they encreased mightily in riches, by means of the conqueft of ALEXANDER; yet the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never fince been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was tranfplanted to ROME, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having met with fo favorable a foil, it made prodigious fhoots for above a century; till the decay of liberty produced alfo the decay of letters, and fpred a total barbarifm over the world. From thefe two experiments, of which each was double in its kind, and fhewed the fall of learning in defpotic governments, as well as its rife in popular ones, LONGINus thought himself fufficiently juftified, in afferting, that the arts and sciences could never flourish, but in a free government: And in this opinion, he has been followed by feveral eminent writers in our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts, or entertained too great a partiality in favor of that form of government, which is established amongst us.

BUT what would these writers have faid, to the inftances of modern ROME and of FLORENCE? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer arts of fculpture, painting and mufic, as well as poetry, tho' they groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests: While the latter made the greatest progrefs in

XENOPHON mentions it; but with a doubt if it be of any advantage to a ftate. Eide xai propia •Q:λti ti tóλív,. &c, XEN. HIERO. PLATO totally

excludes it from his imaginary republic. De Legibus, lib. 4.

Mr. ADDISON and lord SHAFTESBURY.

the

the arts and sciences, after they began to lose their liberty by the ufurpations of the family of the MEDICIS. ARIOSTO, TASSO, GALILEO, no more than RAPHAEL, and MICHAEL ANGELO, were not born in republics. And tho' the LOMBARD fchool was famous as well as the ROMAN, yet the VENETIANS have had the smallest share in its honors, and feem rather inferior to the other ITALIANS, in their genius for the arts and sciences. RUBENS established his School at ANTWERP, not at AMSTERDAM; DRESDEN, not HAMBURGH, is the centre of politeness in GERMANY.

But the most eminent inftance of the flourishing of learning in defpotic governments, is that of FRANCE, which fcarce ever enjoyed any established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and fciences as near perfection as any other nation. The ENGLISH are, perhaps, better philofophers; the ITALIANS better painters and musicians; the ROMANS were better orators: But the FRENCH are the only people, except the GREEKS, who have been at once philofophers, poets, orators, hiftorians, painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the stage, they have excelled even the GREEKS, who have far excelled the ENGLISH. And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art, the most useful and agreeable of any, l'Art de Vivre, the art of fociety and converfation.

If we confider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own country, HoRACE's obfervation, with regard to the ROMANS, may, in a great measure, be applied to the BRITISH.

us.

Sed in longum tamen ævum

Manferunt, bodieque manent veftigia ruris.

THE elegance and propriety of ftile have been very much neglected among We have no dictionary of our language, and fcarce a tolerable grammar. The first polite profe we have, was wrote by a man who is ftill alive. As to SPRAT, LOCKE, and even TEMPLE, they knew too little of the rules of art to be esteemed very elegant writers. The profe of BACON, HARRINGTON, and MILTON, is altogether ftiff and pedantic; tho' their fenfe be excellent. Men, in this country, have been fo much occupied in the great difputes of Religion, Politics and Philofophy, that they had no relifh for the minute obfervations of grammar and criticifm. And tho' this turn of thinking must have confiderably improved our fenfe and our talent of reafoning beyond thofe of other nations; it must be confeffed, that even in those sciences above-mentioned, we have not any standardbook, which we can tranfmit to pofterity: And the utmost we have to boast of, are a few effays towards a more juft philofophy; which, indeed, promise very much, but have not, as yet, reached any degree of perfection.

Ir has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish but in a free government; and this opinion feems to be founded on a longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts and fciences. If we trace commerce in its progrefs thro' TYRE, ATHENS, SYRACUSE, CARTHAGE, VENICE, FLORENCE, GENOA, ANTWERP, HOLLAND, ENGLAND, &c. we shall always find it to have fixt its feat in free governments. The three greatest, trading towns now in the world, are LONDON, AMSTERDAM, and HAMBURGH; all free cities, and proteftant cities; that is, enjoying a double liberty. It muft,

however, be observed, that the great jealousy entertained of late, with regard to the commerce of FRANCE, feems to prove, that this maxim is no more certain and infallible, than the foregoing, and that the fubjects of an abfolute prince may become our rivals in commerce, as well as in learning.

DURST I deliver my opinion in an affair of fo much uncertainty, I would asfert, that, notwithstanding the efforts of the FRENCH, there is fomething pernicious to commerce inherent in the very nature of abfolute government, and infeparable from it: Tho' the reafon I would affign for this opinion, is somewhat different from that which is commonly infifted on. Private property feems to me almost as fecure in a civilized EUROPEAN monarchy, as in a republic; nor is danger much apprehended in fuch a government, from the violence of the fovereign; more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of industry, is fo obftinate a paffion, and works its way thro' fo many real dangers and difficulties, that 'tis not likely it will be scared by an imaginary danger, which is fo fmall, that it scarce admits of calculation. Commerce therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in abfolute governments, not because it is there lefs fecure, but because it is lefs bonorable. A fubordination of ranks is abfolutely neceffary to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honored above induftry and riches. And while thefe notions prevail, all the confiderable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and honors are annexed.

SINCE I am upon this head of the alterations which time has produced, or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of government, free and defpotic, feem to have undergone, in modern times, a great change to the better, with regard both to foreign and domeftic management. The balance of power is

a fecret in politics, fully known only to the prefent age; and I must add, that the internal POLICE of the ftate has alfo received great improvements within the laft century. We are informed by SALLUST, that CATALINE's army was much augmented by the acceffion of the highwaymen about ROME; tho' I believe, that all of that profeflion, who are at prefent difperfed over EUROPE, would not amount to a regiment. In CICERO's pleadings for MILO, I find this argument, among others, made ufe of to prove, that his client had not affaffinated CLODIUS. Had MILO, fays he, intended to have killed CLODIUS, he had not attacked him in the day-time, and at fuch a diftance from the city: He had way-laid him at night,. near the fuburbs, where it might have been pretended, that he was killed by robbers; and the frequency of the accident would have favored the deceit. This is a furprizing proof of the loofe police of ROME, and of the number and forceof these robbers; fince CLODIUS* was at that time attended with thirty flaves, who were compleatly armed, and fufficiently accuftomed to blood and dangerin the frequent tumults excited by that feditious tribune.

BUT tho' all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet monarchical government feems to have made the greatest advances towards perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was formerly faid in praiseof republics alone, that they are a government of Laws, not of men. They are

* Vide Afc. Ped. in Orat. pro Milone.

found