difcipline! 'Tis obfervable, that as the old ROMANS, by applying themfelves folely to war, were the only civilized people that ever poffeffed military difcipline; fo the modern ITALIANS are the only civilized people, among EUROPEANS, that ever wanted courage and a martial fpirit. Thofe who would afcribe this effeminacy of the ITALIANS to their luxury or politenefs, or application to the arts, need but confider the FRENCH and ENGLISH, whofe bravery is as unconteftable, as their love of luxury, and their affiduity in commerce. The ITALIAN hiftorians give us a more fatisfactory reafon for this degeneracy of their countrymen. They fhew us how the fword was dropt at once by all the ITALIAN fovereigns; while the VENETIAN aristocracy was jealous of its fubjects, the FLORENTINE democracy applied itself entirely to commerce; ROME was governed by priests, and NAPLES by women. War then became the bufinefs of foldiers of fortune, who fpared one another, and, to the aftonishment of the world, could engage a whole day in what they called a battle, and return at night to their camp, without the least

bloodshed.

WHAT has chiefly induced fevere moralifts to declaim against luxury and refinement in pleasure, is the example of antient ROME, which, joining to its poverty and rufticity, virtue and public fpirit, rofe to such a surprising height of grandeur and liberty; but having learned from its conquered provinces the ASIATIC luxury, fell into every kind of corruption; whence arofe fedition and civil wars, attended at laft with the total lofs of liberty. All the LATIN claffics, whom we perufe in our infancy, are full of these fentiments, and univerfally afcribe the ruin of their ftate to the arts and riches imported from the Eaft: Infomuch that SALLUST represents a tafte for painting as a vice no lefs than lewdness and drinking. And fo popular were thefe fentiments during the latter ages of the republic, that this author abounds in praises of the old rigid ROMAN virtue, tho' himself the most egregious inftance of modern luxury and corruption; fpeaks contemptuously of GRECIAN eloquence, tho' the moft elegant writer in the world; nay, employs preposterous digreffions and declamations to this purpose, tho' a model of tafte and correctness.

BUT it would be eafy to prove, that thefe writers miftook the cause of the diforders in the ROMAN ftate, and afcribed to luxury and the arts, what really proceeded from an ill-modelled government, and the unlimited extent of conquests. Luxury or refinement on pleasure has no natural tendency to beget venality and corruption. The value which all men put upon any particular pleasure, depends on comparison and experience; nor is a porter lefs greedy of money, which he fpends on bacon and brandy, than a courtier, who purchases champagne, and ortolans. Riches are valuable at all times and to all men, because they always purchafe pleasures, fuch as men are accustomed to, and defire: nor can any thing reftrain or regulate the love of money but a fenfe of honour and virtue; which, if it be not nearly equal at all times, will naturally abound most in ages of luxury and knowlege.

OF all EUROPEAN kingdoms POLAND feems the moft defective in the arts of war as well as peace, mechanical as well as liberal; and yet 'tis there that venality and corruption do moft prevail. The nobles feem to have preferved their crown elective for no other purpose, but regularly to fell it to the highest bidder. This is almoft the only fpecies of commerce with which that people are acquainted.

THE liberties of ENGLAND, fo far from decaying fince the origin of luxury and the arts, have never flourished fo much as during that period. And tho' corruption may seem to increase of late years; this is chiefly to be ascribed to our established liberty, when our princes have found the impoffibility of governing without parliaments, or of terrifying parliaments by the phantom of prerogative. Not to mention, that this corruption or venality prevails infinitely more among the electors than the elected, and therefore cannot justly be ascribed to any refinements in luxury.

If we confider the matter in a proper light, we fhall find, that luxury and the arts are rather favorable to liberty, and have a natural tendency to preferve, if not produce a free government. In rude unpolished nations, where the arts are neglected, all the labor is bestowed on the cultivation of the ground; and the whole fociety divides into two claffes, proprietors of land, and their vaffals or tenants. The latter are neceffarily dependent, and fitted for flavery and fubjection; especially where they poffefs no riches, and are not valued for their knowlege in agriculture; as muft always be the cafe where the arts are neglected. The former naturally erect themselves into petty tyrants; and must either submit to an abfolute mafter for the fake of peace and order; or if they will preferve their independency, like the GOTHIC barons, they muft fall into feuds and contests among themselves, and throw the whole fociety into fuch confufion, as is perhaps worke than the most defpotic government. But where luxury nourishes commerce and industry, the peasants, by a proper cultivation of the land, become rich and independent; while the tradefmen and merchants acquire a fhare of the property, and draw authority and confideration to that middling rank of men, who are the beft and firmest bafis of public liberty. Thefe fubmit not to flavery, like the poor peafants, from poverty and meannefs of fpirit; and having no hopes of tyrannizing over others, like the barons, they are not tempted, for the fake of that gratification, to submit to the tyranny of their fovereign. They covet equal laws, which may fecure their property, and preferve them from monarchical, as well as ariftocratical tyranny.

THE houfe of Commons is the fupport of our popular government; and all the world acknowlege, that it owed its chief influence and confideration to the increase of commerce, which threw fuch a balance of property into the hands of the Commons. How inconfiftent then, is it to blame fo violently luxury, or a refinement in the arts, and to reprefent it as the bane of liberty and public fpirit!

To declaim against prefent times, and magnify the virtue of remote ancestors, is a propenfity almoft inherent in human nature: and as the fentiments and opinions of civilized ages alone are tranfmitted to pofterity, hence it is that we meet with fo many fevere judgments pronounced against luxury, and even fcience; and hence it is that at prefent we give fo ready an affent to them. But the fallacy is cafily perceived from comparing different nations that are contemporaries; where we both judge more impartially, and can better fet in oppofition thofe manners with which we are fufficiently acquainted. Treachery and cruelty, the most pernicious and moft odious of all vices, feem peculiar to uncivilized ages; and by the refined GREEKS and ROMANS were afcribed to all the barbarous nations, which furrounded them. They might juftly, therefore, have prefumed, that their own. ancestors, fo highly celebrated, poffeffed no greater virtue, and were as much

inferior to their pofterity in honor and humanity as in tafte and science. An antient FRANK or SAXON may be highly extolled: But I believe every man would think his life or fortune much lefs fecure in the hands of a Moor or TARTAR, than in those of a FRENCH or ENGLISH gentleman, the rank of men the most civilized in the moft civilized nations.

We come now to the fecond position which we proposed to illuftrate, viz. that as innocent luxury, or a refinement in pleasure, is advantageous to the public; fo where-ever luxury ceafes to be innocent, it alfo ceases to be beneficial; and when carried a degree farther, begins to be a quality pernicious, tho', perhaps, not the most pernicious, to political fociety.

LET us confider what we call vicious luxury. No gratification, however fenfual, can of itself be esteemed vicious. A gratification is only vicious, when it engroffes all a man's expence, and leaves no ability for fuch acts of duty and generosity as are required by his fituation and fortune. Suppofe, that he correct the vice, and employ part of his expence in the education of his children, in the fupport of his friends, and in relieving the poor; would any prejudice refult to fociety? On the contrary, the fame consumption would arise; and that labor, which, at prefent, is employed only in producing a flender gratification to one man, would relieve the neceffitous, and beftow fatisfaction on hundreds. The fame care and toil which raise a difh of peas at CHRISTMAS, would give bread to a whole family during fix months. To fay, that, without a vicious luxury, the labor would not have been employed at all, is only to fay, that there is fome other defect in human nature, fuch as indolence, selfishness, inattention to others, for which luxury in fome measure provides a remedy; as one poifon may be an antidote to another. But virtue, like wholfome food, is better than poifons, however corrected.

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SUPPOSE the fame number of men that are at prefent in BRITAIN, with the fame foil and climate; I afk, is it not poffible for them to be happier, by the most perfect way of life which can be imagined, and by the greateft reformation which Omnipotence itself could work in their temper and difpofition? To affert, that they cannot, appears evidently ridiculous. As the land is able to maintain more than all its inhabitants, they could never, in fuch an UTOPIAN ftate, feel any other ills than those which arife from bodily fickness; and these are not the half of human miseries. All other ills fpring from fome vice, either in ourselves or others; and even many of our difeafes proceed from the fame origin. Remove the vices, and the ills follow. You must only take care to remove all the vices. If move part, you may render the matter worse. By banishing vicious luxury, without curing floth and an indifference to others, you only diminish industry in the ftate, and add nothing to mens charity or their generofity. Let us, therefore, reft contented with afferting, that two opposite vices in a state may be more advantageous than either of them alone; but let us never pronounce vice in itself advantageous. Is it not very inconfiftent for an author to affert in one page, that moral diftinctions are inventions of politicians for public intereft; and in the next page maintain, that vice is advantageous to the public? And indeed it seems, upon any fyftem of morality, little lefs than a contradiction in terms, to talk of a vice which is in general beneficial to fociety.

I THOUGHT this reafoning neceffary, in order to give fome light to a philofophical queftion, which has been much difputed in BRITAIN. I call it a philofophical queftion, not a political one. For whatever may be the confequence of fuch a miraculous transformation of mankind, as would endow them with every species of virtue, and free them from every fpecies of vice; this concerns not the magiftrate, who aims only at poffibilities. He cannot cure every vice, by fubftituting a virtue in its place. Very often he can only cure one vice by another; and in that cafe, he ought to prefer what is leaft pernicious to fociety. Luxury, when exceffive, is the fource of many ills; but is in general preferable to floth and idlenefs, which would commonly fucceed in its place, and are more pernicious both to private perfons and to the public. When floth reigns, a mean uncultivated way of life prevails amongft individuals, without fociety, without enjoyment. And if the fovereign, in fuch a fituation, demands the fervice of his fubjects, the labor of the ftate fuffices only to furnifh the neceffaries of life to the laborers, and can afford nothing to those who are employed in the public fervice.

ONEY is not, properly fpeaking, one of the subjects of commerce; but only the inftrument which men have agreed upon to facilitate the exchange of one commodity for another. 'Tis none of the wheels of trade: 'Tis the oil which renders the motion of the wheels more fmooth and easy. If we confider any one kingdom by itself, 'tis evident, that the greater or less plenty of money is of no confequence; fince the prices of commodities are always proportioned to the plenty of money, and a crown in HARRY VII.'s time ferved the fame purpofe as a pound does at prefent. 'Tis only the public which draws any advantage from the greater plenty of money; and that only in its wars and negotiations with foreign ftates. And this is the reafon, why all rich and trading countries, from CARTHAGE to BRITAIN and HOLLAND, have employed mercenary troops, which they hired from their poorer neighbours. Were they to make ufe of their native fubjects, they would find lefs advantage from their fuperior riches, and from their great plenty of gold and filver; fince the pay of all their fervants inuft rife in proportion to the public opulence. Our fmall army in BRITAIN of 20,000 men are maintained at as great expence as a FRENCH army thrice as numerous, The ENGLISH fleet, during the late war, required as much money to fupport it as all the ROMAN legions, which kept the whole world in fubjection, during the time of the emperors *

* A private foldier in the ROMAN infantry had a denarius a-day, fomewhat less than eight pence. The Roman emperors had commonly 25 legions in

THE

pay, which, allowing 5000 men to a legion, makes 125,000 TACIT. ann. lib. 4. 'Tis true, there were alfo auxiliaries to the legions; but their numbers

are

THE greater number of people and their greater industry are ferviceable in all cafes; at home and abroad, in private and in public. But the greater plenty of money is very limited in its ufe, and may even fometimes be a lofs to a nation in its commerce with foreigners.

THERE feems to be a happy concurrence of caufes in human affairs, which check the growth of trade and riches, and hinder them from being confined entirely to one people; as might naturally at first be dreaded from the advantages of an established commerce. Where one nation has got the ftart of another in trade, 'tis very difficult for the latter to regain the ground it has loft; because of the fuperior induftry and fkill of the former, and the greater ftocks, of which its merchants are poffeffed, and which enable them to trade for fo much finaller profits. But thefe advantages are compenfated, in fome measure, by the low price of labor in every nation, which has not an extenfive commerce, and does not very much abound in gold and filver. Manufactures, therefore, gradually shift their places, leaving those countries and provinces which they have already enriched, and flying to others, whither they are allured by the cheapnefs of provifions and labor; till they have enriched thefe alfo, and are again banifhed by the fame caufes. And, in general, we may obferve, that the dearnefs of every thing, from plenty of money, is a difadvantage, which attends an established commerce, and fets bounds to it in every country, by enabling the poorer states to underfel the richer in all foreign markets

THIS has made me entertain a great doubt concerning the benefit of banks and paper-credit, which are fo generally esteemed advantageous to every nation. That provifions and labor fhould become dear by the increase of trade and money, is, in many respects, an inconvenience; but an inconvenience that is unavoidable, and the effect of that public wealth and profperity which are the end of all our wishes. 'Tis compenfated by the advantages which we reap, from the poffeffion of these precious metals, and the weight which they give the nation in all foreign wars and negotiations. But there appears no reafon for increafing that inconvenience by a counterfeit money, which foreigners will not accept in any payment, and which any great diforder in the state will reduce to nothing. There are, 'tis true, many people in every rich ftate, who, having large fums of money, would prefer paper with good fecurity; as being of more easy tranfport and more fafe cuftody. If the public provide not a bank, private bankers will take advantage of this circumftance; as the goldfmiths formerly did in LONDON, or as the bankers do at prefent in DUBLIN: and therefore 'tis better, it may be thought, that a public company fhould enjoy the benefit of that paper-credit, which always will have place

are uncertain, as well as their pay. To confider only the legionaries, the pay of the private men could not exceed 1,600,000 pound. Now, the parliament in the laft war commonly allowed for the fleet 2,500,000. We have therefore 900,000 over for the officers and other expences of the RoMAN legions. There feem to have been but few officers in the ROMAN armies, in comparison of what are employed in all our modern troops, except fome Swiss corps. And thefe officers had very small pay: A centurion, for instance, only

double a common foldier. And as the foldiers. from their pay (TACIT. ann lib. 1.) bought their own cloaths, arms, tents, and baggage; this must alfo diminifh confiderably the other charges of the army. So little expenfive was that mighty government, and fo eafy was its yoke over the world. And, indeed, this is the more natural conclufion from the foregoing calculations. For money, after the conquest of EGYPT, feems to have been nearly in as great plenty at ROME, as it is at prefent in the richest of the EUROPEAN kingdoms.

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