which had been adopted. It was the in- | vail as to the Address, as would disturb tention of his majesty's government not the unanimity of the House. to withhold from parliament the knowledge Mr. Bennet expressed his entire conof what had been the state of the country currence with the noble lord behind him, since the last inquiry that was made into as to the conduct of his majesty's ministers; it. It was probable that on an early day for he could assure the House, he was he should have a communication to make prepared to prove, upon the proper occato the House on this subject; and he sion, that notwithstanding those confident trusted, when the inquiry he mentioned assertions by which ministers contrived to was made, it would be seen, that the mea- persuade some gentlemen to agree to their sures adopted were not merely salutary, measures of restriction upon the liberty as being prudential and cautionary, but of the subject, the greater part, if not the also that the state of internal tranquillity whole, of the disaffection which formed which enabled government to propose to the ground work of their proposition, was parliament that an end should be put to created by emissaries employed and paid that law, was owing to the timely adop by ministers themselves. (Hear, hear!] tion of those very measures.- In passing Mr. Brougham did not wish to protract over the various topics which had been the debate, but he could not refrain from brought into the debate, relative to the saying a few words, though without any exercise of the powers conferred by that view to disturb the unanimity of the law, he wished it to be understood, that House. That part of the Address which he did so only because a more proper time stated the sorrow of the House for the would occur for entering upon the discus- great and irreparable calamity which the sion of them; and he assured the noble nation had sustained, met with his most lord, that ministers were not disposed to hearty concurrence. The very mention shrink from that discussion; on the con- of such a subject was a sufficient reason trary, they felt convinced it would be in for excluding any other topics which their power to satisfy parliament and the might tend to disturb that unanimity which country that those powers had been exer- was so desirable on such an occasion; cised with a proper discretion; that if the but if any thing were wanting to confirm powers so entrusted were unusually great, that unanimity, it might safely be prethey had been used in mercy and in jụs- sumed the speech of the noble lord who tice; that in the exercise of these powers, had but just sat down, must have had the government had not shrunk from the that effect. For it appeared that the performance of a faithful duty; and that points on which it was most likely that a having so happily carried the country difference of opinion would arise-uamely, through dangers certainly very consider the transactions which had taken place able, they could now congratulate it on hav- since the last report of the secret coming escaped such danger. In saying this, mittee, were, at a very early period, he did not wish to lull the country into a come under discussion. And he gathered feeling that there was now absolutely no from the speech of the noble lord this danger, and that the peril was quite gone most gratifying conclusion--that it was at by. The happiness was, that it was so length the intention of his majesty's gomuch' diminished, that extraordinary vernınent to produce evi:lence as to the powers were no longer necessary to over- state of the nation before a committee of come it.

Upon the other parts of the the House, before which also witnesses Speech, he had only to remark, that the might be called and exammed ; so that in picture they afforded of the state of the the course of the examinations which country was most gratifying and consola- would then take place, they would hear, tory, beyond what could be given of any on the one hand the evidence on which country under similar circumstances. Per- ministers had acted, and, on the other haps no instance could be produced in the hand, they would hear that evidence history of nations of a revival so rapid on which his hon. friend who spoke last, from a state of extreme distress. On these undertook to prove that the representagrounds he trusted that whatever difference tions of government were incorrect. might prevail as to the policy of the mea. Until this inquiry took place, it would be sures pursued by his majesty's government premature to enter into any farther discuson a general view of the state of the na- sion of the subject. As to the state of tion and the topics treated of in the Speech, the country, and the measures which had no such difference of opinion would pre- been adopted, his opinions remained un.

altered. Nothing had come out to shake alleged, ministers might have something his opinion, that the evidence and want of to offer in their defence, or rather in evidence showed that those measures were proof of the energy and industry of that quite uncalled for by the state of the people whom their misconduct and extracountry. As to the other topics in the vagance had been unable to break down. Address, he remarked that it said nothing But what had those ministers presented in as to the causes to which the improvement atonement for their delinquency ? Why, in the state of the country was to be at truly, a recommendation to build churches. tributed ; nor did it say any thing implying This, however was not a new expedient; a pledge that the House would approve for it was the practice of sinners in all the treaty with Spain. If it did, there ages to build churches. If, indeed, miwould be cause enough to disturb the una- nisters had proposed to enlarge the jails nimity of the House; but in his present or the alms-houses, where at least the view of it there was no such cause. inmates might be saved from starving, or

Lord Castlereagh rose to explain, and to do any thing for the solid benefit of the observed, that the hon. and learned gen- public, they might lay some claim to tleman was mistaken if he supposed that praise. But their allegation of prosperity, it was intended by ministers to propose and their proposition of improvement was the constitution of any committee, diffe- really a mockery of the public underrent in character from those which had standing. It was obviously impossible taken place last session upon the subject that any country could go on in the state alluded to.

in which England was at present, with a Mr. Brougham could not but express falling revenue and a starving people his regret at having been mistaken as to with a greater degree of misery among the intention of the noble lord with res- the population, than was to be found under pect to the mode of the promised inquiry. any arbitrary government which the BriHe still anxiously hoped he had not so tish ministers might desire to imitate. far mistaken the noble lord, as that the For in no nation in Europe, not even in inquiry would turn out to be merely an Spain, Italy, or Portugal, could such examination of documents prepared by mendicity and wretchedvess be found as government and sent down to the House were at present daily witnessed in the in a green bag. If that was to be all, it public streets of this vast metropolis. For would be a mere mockery.

the reasons he had mentioned, he could Lord Cochrane thought the Address not hesitate to pronounce this Address a extremely unsatisfactory, inasmuch as it direct insult to the feelings and to the held out no promise of economy or re- understanding of the country. trenchment. How different was this com- The Address was agreed to nem. con. position from the Speech of the American president, which had lately appeared in

HOUSE OF LORDS. the public Journals. In that speech, from the chief ruler of a nation which our mi

Wednesday, January 28. nisters threatened and sought to destroy Habeas CORPUS SUSPENSION Repeal in the late war, there was a distinct re- Bill.] Lord Sidmouth presented a bill cital of evidence to prove its general im- for repealing the act passed in the last provement. In the Speech before the session of parliament, to empower his House there was no doubt a confident majesty to secure and detain persons susassertion of national prosperity, but no pected of conspiring against his majesty's specific instance of that prosperity was person and government. Having read alluded to. The reason was obvious ; for the title of the bill, his lordship moved no specific instance could be cited. That, that it be now read a first time. The indeed, was impossible amidst the misery bill was accordingly read a first time. that universally prevailed, while the reve. After which, on the noble lord's motion, nue was notoriously deficient, while the the standing order relative to the progress work-houses were crowded with paupers, of public bills was suspended. On the while the streets were thronged with motion for the second reading of the bill, starving seamen, and the poor-rates ad. Lord Holland, though he certainly did vanced beyond any former precedent. If not rise to oppose the motion, could not any evidence were adduced to establish avoid saying a few words on the circumthe fact, that the country was in that stances which had led to it. His majesty's state of prosperity which this Speech ministers had dwelt on the difficulties they had experienced from the dangerous sonal liberty, was a calamity which was situation of the country, and he was not to be inflicted without proof, or with. ready to acknowledge that, in proposing out some subsequent proceeding, which the present measure, they had done more would demonstrate to the latest posterity, than he expected from them ; but what that they considered themselves pledged ever might have been the difficulties of to guard against such unjust encroachthe times, the bill which was now about to ments in future. He trusted then, that be repealed, he would assert, had been parliament, when all pretence of any one of the greatest calamities the country danger from investigation should be over, had experienced. Last year, parliament would institute an inquiry into the nature had consented on the representation of his of the evidence on which the act of the majesty's ministers, supported by erro- last session had been passed. The evineous and imperfect evidence, to sanction dence on such an inquiry must not be of the measure they were now about to repeal. the ex-parte and suspicious nature which Their lordships had then allowed themselves their lordships were induced to accept of to be surprised into a course, on the adop- last year. It must not be evidence pretion of which it was pretended the safety pared by persons seeking power, or wishof the country depended. His majesty's ing to retain it. Nothing could be satisministers had been either actually the factory, and nothing would satisfy the tools of wicked and designing men, or country, but a fair and impartial investihad been led away by the desire of ob- gation. A full examination into all the taining uodue power to themselves. Be- circumstances which took place at the lieving, as he did, that the whole of their passing of the act, and of all which had lordships' proceedings in passing the act occurred since, was what the occasion for suspending the Habeas Corpus had demanded, when the liberties of the peorested upon garbled and unfair evidence, ple had been so violently invaded. He he must state that he could not be satisfied trusted it was unnecessary for him to with the mere repeal of that act, and that urge the importance of this right on their he thought an inquiry into the grounds on lordships' minds, but he could not help which it had been passed ought to be in- dwelling upon it. He must repeat, that stituted. No proceeding could have it was the most ancient of all the rights of been more dangerous to the true interests the people of this country. It rested of the country, than that to which their neither on the Magna Charta, the act of lordships had given their sanction on evi- Habeas Corpus, or the Bill of Rights, dence so totally imperfect. The right though it was reasserted in them. The which had been suspended, he wished to act of 1672, in the reign of Charles 2nd, remind them, was not one which had been by which it was legislatively enacted, did granted by any act of parliament what. not constitute the right. The ancestor ever. The personal liberty of the people of the noble lord, whom he now saw bewas no concession. It was a right ante-fore him (the earl of Shaftesbury), then cedent to any statute, and equal to the stood up, honourably and manfully for right of their lordships to vote in that this best right of the people, and contriHouse, or to the right of the king to sit buted greatly to that measure by which it on the throne. He did not mean to say was confirmed. And at what time was that there was any absolute limitation to that important act passed ? At the mothe power of parliament on this subject, ment when the House of Lords and when circumstances rendered such a Commons were in a state of the greatest stretch of power indispensable ; but he alarm from the apprehension of plots and did say, that to suspend this right of the conspiracies. Afterwards, when the people was an act of as great violence as whole country was thrown into consterna. to suspend the prerogatives of the crown, tion by the popish plots-whether true and could only be justified by the clearest or false, he did not at present pretend to evidence of the most overwhelming ne- determine--no idea was started of repeal. cessity. Consistently with this view, he ing the Habeas Corpus act. Neither the thought their lordships could not let the Rye-house plot, nor any other plot, had matter pass over with the mere repeal of been thought sufficient, even in those an act which had been so unjustifiably convulsed times, to warrant the legislapassed. It was their lordships duty to ture in depriving the subject of personal show, that a law which deprived the peo- liberty.- Returning to the act of last ple of their most important right, of per- session, he must again assert, that no ground for it had been laid at the time it such a measure, but an evident proof of was passed, and nothing had since oc. its necessity, founded on a full and imcurred to show that there was any thing impartial investigation. Last session in the state of the country which called their lordships had heard much of blasfor it. Where was any disturbance or phemous productions : but had these conspiracy to be found that could justify productions been put down by the sussuch a measure? It was not to be found pension of the Habeas Corpus act ? in any of the legal proceedings which had it was not said they were now in takeri place in the metropolis, nor even at circulation. Was it the three-fold proseDerby. Did it appear in any of the pro-cution of Mr. Hone which ministers had ceedings which had taken place in Scot- tried against them, that had produced land ? A dreadful oath-an oath which this effect? This was certain that with was not fit to be publicly stated—it was respect to these publications, things resaid, had been taken in that country by mained in the same state as last year; the disaffected ministers, it was asserted, and if they were no longer a subject of had the fullest evidence of a most exten- complaint, it could not be owing to any sive conspiracy, but which evidence they of the measures of the noble lord. With did not choose to disclose. Well, their regard to that prosecution, it was not his law-officers proceeded to try these con- wish to say much, lest any thing which spirators, and oath-takers in Scotland. At might fall from him on that subject first, their indictment was wrong; a new should be taken as a vindication of the indictment was preferred; but, after all, species of publication against which the they failed in proving that any illegal prosecution was instituted. So far from oath had been taken. None of these wishing to vindicate that sort of writing, proceedings afforded any appearance of a he rather thought it ought, in point of good necessity for the measure which ministers taste as well as of decency, to be discouhad recommended and which parliament raged. At the same time he could not had been induced to adopt.' But the help saying, that these prosecutions bore noble earl opposite, had declared that he about them such marks of hypocrisy as he was ready to prove, not only that the had never before witnessed." Was there measure was justified by the state of the any man in the country so weak as to be. country at the time, but that it had been lieve, that the writer of the parodies productive of the greatest advantages. against which ministers had manifested so That the country was in better circum- much indignation, would have been quesstances now than last year he was happy tioned had he ridiculed persons in oppoto believe: but whatever improvement sition to the government? His friends had had taken place, certainly was not owing often been made the subject of such to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus satire, and yet, on those occasions, the act. Were the truth of this assertion of government never thought religion so ministers to be admitted by their lordships endangered by such publications as to there would be no longer any security render it necessary for the attorney-general for personal liberty. On any future octo prosecute them. He recollected a a casion, when desirous of obtaining an parody published by those connected with undue increase of power, if they could the noble lord's administration, against persuade parliament to suspend the Ha- persons in opposition, of which the words beas Corpus act on ex-parte evidence, of our Saviour himself were the subject. they would have nothing more to do, Now, wishing to speak with all respect supposing the state of the country to of the liturgy of the church of England, have, from other causes, improved, than he should only say, that he thought it to come forward next year, and say, “ You most extraordinary that prosecutions see what advantages have been derived should be instituted for parodies on it, from following our recommendation.” On while parodies on the words of the scrip the contrary, if it should happen to be tures themselves were allowed to pass followed by discontent and distress, mi- unnoticed. He recollected a parody, nisters would thereby acquire an argu- which had been published in all the minisment for prolonging their undue authority. terial newspapers of the time, against the They would say, 6 You see now the mea. late Mr. Paull. It was of the most dis, sure we called for was necessary, and that gusting nature, and yet no notice had the suspension of the law must be conti- | been taken of it. When it was so evinued.” Nothing, however, could excusedent to all the world, that the prosecutions brought against Mr. Hone had been authority of which the act was passed, instituted for political reasons only, it was afforded its complete refutation. The impossible for the country not to despise noble lord had also asserted, that the the hypocritical pretences under which evidence produced by ministers was garthey were brought forward. This was an bled, and that information which onght unavoidable consequence

which ministers to have been communicated to the commust endure; for, in order that motives | mittee was withheld. He well knew that should be respected, it was necessary the noble lord was incapable of stating that they should be truly respectable. It any thing which he did not in bis condid not become any administration to science believe to be true, but he could inflict severe punishments on one set of assure their lordships that every kind men who might be hostile to them, for of information which could with prothe same kind of acts which they viewed priety be laid before the committee with indulgence when committed by had been produced to them, and that others in their favour. To return to the nothing had been withheld which was question of the suspension of the Habeas necessary to enable them to arrive at a Corpus. It was an act of the most per- fair and proper conclusion on the question nicious tendency to suspend the personal submitted to their consideration. The liberty of the subject in a time of pro- noble lord also denied that the act of last found peace, and formed a precedent of session had been of any advantage to the the most lamentable tendency. Such country. In the Prince Regent's Speech, acts left rents in the constitution which it was true, only the other causes which could not afterwards be closed.

He had contributed to the returning prostrusted, however, that a strict inquiry perity of the country were mentioned, would be made as to the manner in which but it did not follow that great benefit this act had been executed. He had had not been derived from the suspension heard that it was intended to appoint a of the Habeas Corpus act. There never committee to investigate what had taken was a greater contrast exhibited by the place since the last session, and if that country than that which the comparison was the case, he trusted it would not be a of its present state with that of last year committee to take upon trust the state-afforded; and he would now maintain, ments of ministers, garbled and imperfect, and if the occasion should arrive, would but that, on the contrary, they would prove, that the act of last session, had examine viva voce testimony, and not mainly contributed to this result. The efmerely the agents of, or the witnesses sent fects it had had in many parts of the country by government, but whatever witnesses did not rest on assertion: they were al. they themselves should think proper to ready proved. The magistrates and percall. To enter into such an examination song best informed in the county of Leiclosely and attentively, and with a deter- cester, stated, on their own knowledge, mination to get at the truth, was the only that the passing of the suspension act atonement they could now make for having had produced tranquillity in manufactursuspended the liberty of the subject, and | ing districts where the greatest alarm for placed powers in the hands of the ministers, the peace of the country had previously upon the pretences that had been urged, existed. In another place, where there that had been harshly and oppressively had been a more formidable manifestation used.

of treason, the good effects of the measure Lord Sidmouth said, he did not expect had been still more apparent-he meant that the noble lord would have thought it that insurrection in consequence of which necessary, on the present occasion, to a bill of indictment had been found against address to their lordships observations of the offenders who were tried at Derby. On the nature of those they had just heard, that occasion, ten of the persons accused though he was aware that the circum- fled; four were sentenced to suffer death; stance of such a bill being on the table and in all, thirty-one confessed themselves left the noble lord at perfect liberty to guilty of treason, some of whom were adopt the course he had taken. The transported, and the remainder pardoned. noble lord had stated, that there was no These men, besides making a confession necessity for the act of last session. Of of their guilt, gave certain information, this assertion, he should only say, that that an insurrection of a much more forthe report made by the committee ap- midable nature than th in which they pointed by their lordships, and on the had been engaged was in contemplation,