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the most foul, most sacrilegious conspiracy against the chartered rights, freedom, and national existence of my native land, it became my share, being then a member of the ministry, with undisguised truth to lay before the Parliament of Hungary the immense danger of our bleeding fatherland. Having made the sketch, which, however dreadful, could be but a faint shadow of the horrible reality, I proceeded to explain the alternations which our terrible destiny left to us, after the failure of all our attempts to avert the evil. Reluctant to present the neck of the realm to the deadly snake which aimed at its very life, and anxious to bear up against the horrors of fate, and manfully to fight the battle of legitimate defence, scarcely had I spoken the word, scarcely had I added the words that the defence would require two hundred thousand men and 80,000,000 of florins, when the spirit of freedom moved through the hall, and nearly four hundred representatives rose as one man, and, lifting their right arms towards God, solemnly said, “We grant it-freedom or death!"

Thus they spoke, and there they swore, in a calm and silent majesty, awaiting what further word might fall from my lips. And for myself,-it was my duty to speak, but the grandeur of the moment and the rushing waves of sentiment tenumbed my tongue. A burning tear fell from my eyes, a sigh of adoration to the Almighty Lord fluttered on my lips; and, bowing low before the majesty of my people, as bow now before you, gentlemen, I left the tribunal silently, speechless, mute. Pardon me my emotion,-the shadows of our martyrs passed before my eyes; I heard the millions of my native land once more shouting "Liberty or death!" As I was then, sirs, so am I now. I would thank you, gentlemen, for the generous sympathy with which, in my undeserving person, you have honoured the bleeding, the oppressed, but not broken, Hungary. I would thank you for the ray of hope which the sympathy of the English people casts on the night of our fate. I would thank you, gentlemen, warmly as I feel, and as becomes the dignity of your glorious land. But the words fail me; they fail me not only from want of knowledge of your language, but chiefly because my sentiments are deep, and fervent, and true. The tongue of man is powerful

enough to render the ideas which the human intellect conceives; but in the realm of true and deep sentiments it is but a weak interpreter. These are inexpressible, like the endless glory of the Omnipotent. . . . . .

Perhaps there might be some glory in inspiring such a nation, and to such a degree. But I cannot accept the praise. No; it is not I who inspired the Hungarian people, it was the Hungarian people who inspired me. Whatever I thought, and still think—whatever I felt, and still feel-is but a feeble pulsation of that heart which in the breast of my people beats. The glory of battles is ascribed to the leaders, in history; theirs are the laurels of immortality. And yet, on meeting the danger, they knew that, alive or dead, their name will upon the lips of the people for ever live. How different, how much purer, is the light spread on the image of thousands of the people's sons, who, knowing that where they fall they will lie unknown, their names unhonoured and unsung, but who, nevertheless, animated by the love of freedom and fatherland, went on calmly, singing national anthems, against the batteries whose cross-fire vomited death and destruction on them, and took them without firing a shot, they who fell falling with the shout, "Hurrah for Hungary!"

And so they died by thousands, the unnamed demigods. Such is the people of Hungary. Still they say it is I who have inspired them. No! a thousand times no! It is they who have inspired me. The moment of death, gentlemen, is a dreary one. Even the features of Cato partook of the impression of this dreariness. A shadow passed over the brow of Socrates on drinking the hemlock cup. With us those who beheld the nameless victims of the love of country lying on the death-field beneath Buda's walls, met but the impression of a smile on the frozen lips of the dead; and the dying answered those who would console but by the words, "Never mind; Buda is ours! Hurrah for the fatherland!" So they spoke and died. He who witnessed such scenes, not as an exception, but as a constant rule,—he who saw the adolescent weep when told he was yet too young to die for his land, he who saw the sacrifices of spontaneity, he who heard what a fury spread over the people on hearing of the

catastrophe, he who marked his behaviour towards the victors after all was lost,-he who knows what sort of curse is mixed in the prayers of the Magyar, and knows what sort of sentiment is burning alike in the breast of the old and of the young, of the strong man and of the tender wife, and ever will be burning on, till the hour of national resurrection strikes, he who is aware of all this will surely bow before this people with respect, and will acknowledge with me that such a people wants not to be inspired, but that it is an everlasting source of inspiration itself. This is the people of Hungary! And for me,-my only glory is, that this people found in myself the personification of their own sentiments. This is all he can tell of himself whom you are honouring with so many tokens of your sympathy. Let me, therefore, hold the consoling faith, that, in honouring me by your sympathy, you were willing to give your sympathy to the people of the Magyars. . .

Hungary is not the sacrifice of its own crimes. An ambitious woman had, in the palace of Vienna, the sacrilegious dream to raise a child to the seat of power upon the ruins of liberty. Well she knew that God would not be with her; but she knew that the Czar would be with her,—and what do they care for God, if only the Czar be with them!-the Czar, who dared to boast that he has the calling to put his foot upon mankind's neck. Arrogant mortal! thou dust before God! No, gentlemen, by such an act a nation may suffer, but not die. The God of humanity cannot admit this. And do you note already his judgment-mark? They said, "Down with Hungary, that the Hapsburgs may rule as they please!" And look! they had already, in the first act of their sacrilegious plot, to mendicate the helm of him whose aid gave them dishonourable bondage instead of the coveted might. They longed to be the sun, and have nations for moons to revolve around them in obedience; and they themselves became the obedient moon of a frail mortal. them not rely on their Czar; his hour also will come. millions of Russia cannot be doomed to be nothing else than blind instruments of a single mortal's despotic whims. Humanity has a nobler destiny than to be the footstool to the ambition of some families. The destiny of mankind is



freedom, sir; and the sun of freedom will rise over Russia also; and in the number of liberated nations who will raise the song of thanksgiving to God, not even the Russians will fail. So let the house of Austria trust to his Czar. The people of Hungary and myself, we trust to God!



The Right Honourable William Ewart Gladstone, M.P., the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, was born in Liverpool, in 1809, of a Scottish family settled there. His career at the University of Oxford and in Parliament has been one of distinguished success. In consequence of the Greek government refusing to pay the demands of some British subjects who had suffered pecuniary loss in Athens by the violence of the mob, Admiral Parker, with the Mediterranean fleet, was ordered to blockade the Piraeus. An inquiry was raised on the subject in Parliament, and, on the 27th of June 1850 Mr. Gladstone delivered a speech, from which the following is an extract:

AND now I will grapple with the noble Lord [Palmerston] on the ground which he selected for himself, in the most triumphant portion of his speech, by his reference to those emphatic words, Civis Romanus sum. He vaunted, amidst the cheers of his supporters, that under his administration an Englishman should be throughout the world what the citizen of Rome had been. What then, sir, was a Roman citizen? He was the member of a privileged caste; he belonged to a conquering race,-to a nation that held all others bound down by the strong arm of power. For him there was to be an exceptional system of law; for him principles were to be asserted, and by him rights were to be enjoyed, that were denied to the rest of the world. Is such, then, the view of the noble lord, as to the relation that is to subsist between England and other countries? Does he make the claim for us, that we are to be uplifted on a platform high above the standing-ground of all other nations? It is, indeed, too clear, not only from the expressions, but from the whole spirit of the speech of the noble viscount, that too much of this notion is lurking in his mind; that he adopts in part that vain conception, that we, forsooth, have a mission to be the censors of vice and folly, of abuse and imperfection,

among the other countries of the world; that we are to be the universal schoolmasters; and that all those who hesitate to recognise our office can be governed only by prejudice or personal animosity, and should have the blind war of diplomacy forthwith declared against them. . . . .


Sir, the English people, whom we are here to represent, are indeed a great and noble people; but it adds nothing to their greatness or their nobleness that, when we assemble in this place, we should trumpet forth our virtues in elaborate panegyrics, and designate those who may not be wholly of our mind as a knot of foreign conspirators. When, indeed, I heard the honourable and learned gentleman the member for Sheffield glorifying us, together with the rest of the people of this country, and announcing that we soared in unapproachable greatness, and the like, I confess I felt that eulogies such as those savoured somewhat of bombast; and thought it much to the honour of this House that the praises thus vented seemed to fall so flat; that the cookery of the honourable and learned gentleman was evidently seasoned beyond the capacity and relish of our palates. . . . .

Sir, I say the policy of the noble lord tends to encourage and confirm in us that which is our besetting fault and weakness, both as a nation and as individuals. Let an Englishman travel where he will as a private person, he is found in general to be upright, high-minded, brave, liberal, and true; but with all this, foreigners are too often sensible of something that galls them in his presence; and I apprehend it is because he has too great a tendency to self-esteem-too little disposition to regard the feelings, the habits, and the ideas of others. Sir, I find this characteristic too plainly legible in the policy of the noble lord. I doubt not that use will be made of our present debate to work upon this peculiar weakness of the English mind. The people will be told that those who oppose the motion are governed by personal motives, have no regard for public principle, no enlarged ideas of national policy. You will take your case before a favourable jury, and you think to gain your verdict; but, sir, let the House of Commons be warned-let it warn itself -against all illusions. There is in this case also a course of appeal. There is an appeal, such as the honourable and

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