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STATE

STATE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS IN JULY,
Containing official Papers and authentic Documents.

RUSSIA.

HE European influence of this vast

seems likely to be destroyed

by the weakness, corruption, and folly of its councils. The French emperor is about to strike it as with a thunder-bolt, and such is the infatuation of its government, that it invites, rather than avoids, the blow. The double policy of Russia has brought so much mischief on its neighbours, that, if the seat of its despotic government is again transferred to Moscow, no loss will be suffered by civilization or humanity.

First Bulletin of the French Army.

Gumbinnen, June 20, 1812. Towards the end of 1810, Russia altered her political system-the English spirit regained its influence the Ukase respecting commerce was its first act.

In February, 1811, five divisions of the Russian army quitted the Danube by forced marches, and proceeded to Poland. By this movement, Russia sacrificed Wallachia and Moldavia.

When the Russian armies were united and formed, a Protest against France appeared, which was transmitted to every cabinet. Russia by that announced, that she felt no wish even to save appearances. All means of conciliation were employed on the part of France-all were ineffectual.

Towards the close of 1811, six months after, it was manifest in France that all this could end only in war; preparations were made for it. The garrison of Dantzic was increared to 20,000 men. Stores of every description, cannons, muskets, powder, ammunition, pontoons, were conveyed to that place: considerable sums of money were placed at the disposal of the department of engineers, for the augmentation of its fortifications.

The army was placed on the war establishment. The cavalry, the train of artillery, and the military baggage train, were completed.

In March, 1812, a treaty of alliance was concluded with Austria; the preceding month a treaty had been concluded with Prussia.

In April, the first corps of the grand army marched for the Oder, the second corps to the Elbe, the third corps to the Lower Oder, the fourth corps set out from Verona, crossed the Tyrol, and proceeded to Silesia. The guards left Paris.

On the 22d of April, the Emperor of Russia took the command of his army, quitted St. Petersburg, and moved his head-quarters to Wilna.

In the commencement of May, the first

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Second Bulletin of the French Army.

Wilkowski, June 22, 1812.

All means of effecting as understanding between the two empires became impossible. The spirit which reigned in the Russian cabinet burried it on to war.

General Narbonne, aid de-camp to the Emperor, was dispatched to Wilna, and could remain there only a few days. By that was gained the proof, that the demand, equally arrogant and extraordinary, which had been made by Prince Kurakin, and in which he declared, that he would not enter into any explanation before France had evacuated the territory of her own allies, in order to leave them at the mercy of Russia, was the sine qua non of that cabinet; and it made that a matter of boast to foreign powers.

The first corps advanced to the Pregel. The Prince of Eckmuhl had his head-quarters, on the 11th of June, at Konigsberg.

The Marshal Duke of Reggio, commanding the second corps, had his head-quarters at Wehlau; the Marshal Duke of Elchingen, commanding the third corps, at Soldass; the Prince Viceroy at Rastenburg; the King of Westphalia at Warsaw; the Prince Poniatows ki at Pultusk: the Emperor moved his headquarters, on the 12th, to Konigsberg, on the Pregel; on the 17th, to Insterberg; on the 19th, to Gumbinnen.

A slight hope of accommodation still remained. The Emperor had given orders to Count Lauriston to wait on the Emperor Alexander, or on his minister for foreign affairs, and to ascertain whether there might not yet be some means of obtaining a reconsideration of the demand of Prince Kurakin, and of reconciling the honor of France, and the interest of her allies, with the opening of a negociation.

The same spirit which had previously swayed the Russian cabinet upon various pretexts, prevented Count Lauriston from accomplishing his mission; and it appeared for the first time, that an ambassador, under circumstances of so much importance, was unable to obtain an interview, either with the sovereign or his minister. The Secre tary of Legation, Prevost, brought this intelligence to Gumbinnen; and the Emperor

issued orders to march, for the purpose of passing the Niemen. "The conquered," observed he," assume the tone of conquerors; fate drags them on, let their destinies be fulfilled." His Majesty caused the following Proclamation to be inserted in the Orders of the army:

"SOLDIERS!-The second war of Poland has commenced. The first was brought to a close at Friedland and Tilsit. At Tilsit, Russia swore eternal alliance with France and war with England. She now violates her oaths. She refuses to give any explanation of her strange conduct, until the eagles of France shall have repassed the Rhine, leaving, by such a movement, our allies at her mercy. Russia is dragged along by a fatality! Her destinies must be accomplished. Should she then consider us dege

nerate? Are we no longer to be looked upon

as the soldiers of Austerlitz? She offers us
the alternative of dishonour or war. The
choice cannot admit of hesitation.-Let us
then march forward! Let us pass the Nie-
men! Let us carry the war into her terri-
sory. The second war of Poland will be as
glorious to the French arms as the first; but
the peace which we shall conclude will be
its own guarantee, and will put an end to
that proud and haughty influence which
Russia has for fifty years exercised in the af-
fairs of Europe.

"At our head-quarters, at Wilkowski,
"June 22, 1812."

POLAND.

During the present month, this extinguished kingdom has reared its head again, and the tyrants who united to destroy it, are, under the signal dispensations of Justice, making heavy retributions for their crimes. A diet has been held at Warsaw, and a constitution proclaimed which will establish, in the finest part of Europe, a powerful empire, and open new scenes for the triumphs of civilization and humanity.

Bonaparte's favorite general, Berthier, will, it is said, be the new king of Poland.

SWEDEN.

In nothing has the ignorance of our newspaper writers been more conspicuous than in their speculations about Sweden. Bonaparte had no connection with the elevation of Bernadotte. Two agents left Sweden for France and Eng. land at the same time, to solicit some eminent person of either country to accept the heirship to the Swedish throne. The sagacious Perceval drove the agent sent to England out of the country; but be who went to France negociated with Bernadotte, and Bonaparte was no other wise consulted than to obtain his content. Bernadotte is therefore under no

tie to Bonaparte; but under every obligation to the people of Sweden. We are in possession of all the particulars of those negociations.

SPAIN.

Lord Wellington has advanced beyond Salamanca, on his way to Madrid! Soult is uneasy in Andalusia, and the engagements of Bonaparte in the North way enable us to rescue Spain, particularly if our ministers have liberality enough to support the rights and liberties of the Spanish people.

GREAT BRITAIN.

wickedness of carrying on a war which In our last, we expatiated on the has no rational object, nor had any com prehensible purpose in its origin. We

were not then aware that an endeavour
to effect Peace, which we should have
thought honorable in Great Britain,
had but two months before been made
by France. It grieves us, however, to
observe, by the correspondence, that,
as long as a certain malign influence
preponderates, the people of England
most suffer the miseries and the dis-
haken by the death of Perceval, (whose
grace of this war. That influence was
paltry skill in special pleading, and whose
pettifogging politics, appear in the reply
to the French minister;) but it again
reared its head in the late decision on
Mr. PALMER's just claims, and in the
Lords' vote on the CATHOLIC QUESTION.
We hope, notwithstanding, that the Re-
shake it wholly off; that manly vigour
gent has opened his eyes; that he will
and masculine integrity will predominate
in his councils; and that justice alone
will characterize the future measures of
his government.

-
On the following correspondence we
nistry composed of unprincipled lawyers
shall briefly observe, that none but a mi-
could have quibbled about the obvious
sense of the word dynasty. We never
heard but one sense annexed to it, that
of a line or succession of sovereigns; and
it was evidently used in the manly over-
ture of the French minister, in contra
distinction to the individuality of Joseph,
the candidate king. If, however, the
lawyers, at that time at the head of the
British government, unused to read his
tory and pursue liberal studies, did not
really understand the meaning of the
word DYNASTY, was it not enough to
send a messenger to France to ascertain
its purport, without annexing to their in-
quiry a variety of ungracious and ill-timed
observations, founded on their own per-

versions

versions or ignorance? The first paragraph of their letter was sufficient for the legitimate purposes of a philological inquiry, and all that followed was calcu. lated only to irritate, to show their cadaDerous features, and to prolong the hor rors of war!

It is almost childish to lengthen an argument on such a subject-the vast interests involved, alone justify the trespass on our reader's patience. The term "present" or "actual" dynasty, necessarily implied the old Bourbon family. It could not mean the future or problematical dynasty of Joseph Bonaparte. Did the English Ministers expect Napoleon to name and designate the Bourbon dynasty? Have they no sense of delicacy? And did not actual dynasty, well and distinctly imply the Bourbon or old Spanish family?

Again-the actual dynasty is to be declared independent! What is its present situation? A state of dependence in France on the will of Napoleon!-Did not this proposed emancipation indicate the dynasty intended-even had there been two dynasties, about which a bona fide doubt could have been raised?

What then was the sett-off against this concession? Did Napoleon propose to restore Spain to its ancient condition, under an exasperated dynasty?-No! I will restore them, says he, to independence-" and (as my security) Spain shall be governed by a national constitution of her Cortes." Is it to be supposed, should the first absurdity be insisted on, that he proposed to place his Brother under the restraint of the Cortes?-Of course he proposed to restrain that dynasty which he conceived would be inimical to France without such restraint. not his Brother!

In the very next paragraph, relative to Portugal, Napoleon amplifies on his proposal relative to Spain. "The independence and integrity of Portugal shall also be guaranteed, and the House of Braganza sball have the sovereign authority." Of course the word also means in like manner; it connects and draws a parallelism between the two projects, and places beyond all doubt the analogous design in regard to Spain. Evident reasons occasioned the term actual dynasty to be preferred to House of Bourbon, in the first paragraph; but it was equally precise, because no other dynasty exists in relation to Spain, and no quibble could have arisen, had not a

lawyer unhappily at that time been the Prime Minister of England!

as

And further-in the clause relative to Naples, where it is proposed to continue the French sovereign, he is designated "the present monarch," not as a dynasty or part of a dynasty, because no dynasty of the Bonapartes is yet formed, and because the term dynasty could not have applied to Joachim Murat, more than it could to Joseph Bonaparte!

Why then, say the faction, did not Napoleon answer our inquiry in regard to the grammatical sense of the word dynasty, and the logical sense of his letter?-Because!-simply because, it is not usual for dunces to get answers when they ask questions in a tone of inso lence! If Napoleon did not tear the answer in pieces when he came to the words "the brother of the head of the French Government," he is not the decided character which the world have considered him, and which his repeated overtures for peace have proved him.-The rupture of this negociation cannot, therefore, be fairly ascribed to an omission to answer even a foolish question-but a question so put, that a man of honor and spirit could not well have submitted to answer it!

After all, it might be reasonably doubted whether, on the perverted hypothesis of the ministerial tools, the question in regard to the person who might fill the throne of Spain, ought to be made the foundation of a war attended by such extensive and complicated miseries. Let it also be borne in mind, that he who during a quarrel makes the first overture for reconciliation, concedes largely by that act, whatever be his view of the terms; and an overture ought at least to be received and treated with respect, or hos tilities would be interminable. We totally differ therefore from Mr. Sheridan, who has been induced to lend himself to the pernicious purpose of declaring the letter of the French Minister “perfidious, insidious, and insulting." In our last we candidly vindicated this gentleman from calumnies propagated respecting him, but it becomes evident, that his mind is unhappily warped from that line of rectitude which for many years distin. guished all its decisions. We are aware of the tenure under which he holds his seat, and we pity him; but Mr. Sheridan ought to prefer the King's Bench to dis honor; and, rather than become a firebrand between nations, and involve the

happiness

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happiness of the whole human race to gratify a vile faction, his individual sacrifices ought to be without bounds. We say all this without personal animo sity to Mr. Sheridan, but with a design to prevent the country from being deluded by unfounded and unprincipled assertions, which night mislead, because made by a man of whom we have on other occasions taught our readers to think with respect.

As a practical commentary on the above, it is proper to record, that, by a paper laid before the House of Com mous, during the present month, it appears, that the number of French and Danish prisoners in Great Britain exceeds 54,000, many thousands of whom have been eight or nine years in their confinement! Probably also there are about half the number of English in France!

But Perceval and his politics are no more, and we hope soon to see him succeeded by an illustrious body of statesmen, called from among the ancient dynasties of the realin; and we trust that they will instantly resume the broken negociation, and not anticipate the results in the basis, nor speak of the most pow. erful monarch since the age of Charlemagne, merely as the Head of the French government. IN TRUTH, HOW

EVER, WE BELIEVE THERE WILL BE NO PEACE TILL THE PEOPLE BEGIN TO PETITION FOR IT, AND TO REMONSTRATE LOUDLY AGAINST THE CONTINUANCE OF THE WAR.

Copy of a Letter addressed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Lord Castlereagh, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to his Britannic Majesty.

"Paris, April 17, 1812. "S12-His Majesty, constantly actuated by sentiments friendly to moderation and peace, is pleased again to make a solemn and sincere attempt to put an end to the miseries of war.

"The awful circumstances in which the world is at present placed, have induced a resolution in the mind of his Majesty, the result of which has been to authorize me to explain to you, sir, his views and intentions.

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"I heartily wish that the experience of the past may not be lost for the future.

"His Majesty has often stopped when the most certain triumphs lay before him, and turned round to invoke peace.

"In 1805, secure as he was by the advantages of his situation, and spite of the confidence which he might reasonably feel in anticipations which Fortune was about to realize, he made proposals to his Britannic Majesty, which were rejected, on the ground that Russia should be consulted. In 1808, new proposals were made, in concert with intervention, which could be no more than Russia. England alleged the necessity of an the result of the negociation itself. In 1810, his Majesty, having clearly discerned that the British Orders in Council of 1807 rendered the conduct of the war incompatible with the independence of Holland, caused indirect overtures to be made towards procuring the return of peace. They were fruitless, and the consequences was, that new provinces were united to the empire.

"In the present time are to be found united all the circumstances of the various

periods at which his Majesty manifested the pacific sentiments which he now orders me again to declare that he is actuated by.

"The calamities under which Spain, and the vast regions of Spanish America suffer, should naturally excite the interest of all nations, and inspire them with an equal anxiety for their termination.

"I will express myself, sir, in a manner which your excellency will find conformable to the sincerity of the step which I am authorized to take; and nothing will better evince the sincerity and sublimity of it than the precise terms of the language which I have been directed to use. What views and motives should induce me to envelope myself in formalities suitable to weakness, which alone can find its interest in deceit ?

"The affairs of the Peninsula, and the Two Sicilies, are the points of difference which appear least to admit of being adjusted. I am authorized to propose to you an arrangement of them on the following basis:

"The integrity of Spain shall be gua ranteed. France shall renounce all idea of extending her dominions beyond the Pyrennees. The present dynasty shall be declared independent, and Spain shall be governed by a National Constitution of ber Cortes.

"The independence and integrity of Portugal shall be also guaranteed, and the House of Bra ganga shall have the sovereign authority.

"The kingdom of Naples shall remain in pos session of the present maixare, and the kingdom of Sicily shall be guaranteed to the present family of Sicily.

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