the only kind of comparison, which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the prefent queftion. Were our selfish and vicious principles fo much predominant above our focial and virtuous, as is afferted by fome philofophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of human nature.

There is much of a dispute of words in all this controterly. When a man denies the fincerity of all public fpirit or affection to a country and community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt this paffion in fo clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards to reject all private friendship, if no intereft or felf-love intermixes itself; I am then confident that he abufes terms, and confounds the ideas of things; fince it is impoffible for any one to be so selfish, or rather fo ftupid, as to make no difference between one man and another, and give no preference to qualities, which engage his approbation and efteem. Is he also, fay I, as infenfible to anger as he pretends to be to friendfhip? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than kindness or benefits? Impoffible: He does not know himself: He has forgot the movements of his heart; or rather he makes use of a different language from the rest of his countrymen, and calls not things by their proper What fay you of natural affection? (I fubjoin) Is that also a species of felf-love? Yes: All is felf-love. Your children are loved only because they are yours: Your friend for a like reafon: And your country engages you only fo far as it has a connexion with yourfelf: Were the idea of felf removed, nothing would affect you. You would be altogether unactive and infenfible: Or, if you ever gave yourself any movement, it

names.

would

would only be from vanity, and a defire of fame and reputation to this fame felf. I am willing, reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you admit the facts. That fpecies of felf love, which difplays itself in kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence over human actions, and even greater, on many occafions, than that which remains in its original hape and form. For how few are there, who having a family, children, and relations, do not fpend more on the maintenance and education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly observe, may proceed from their felf-love, fince the prosperity of their family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as their chief honour. Be alfo one of thefe selfish men, and you are sure of every one's good opinion and good will; or not to shock your nice ears with thefe expreffions, the felf-love of every one, and mine amongst the reft, will then incline us to ferve you, and fpeak well of you.

you

In my opinion, there are two things which have led aftray thofe philofophers, that have infifted fo much on the felfishness of man. In the first place, they found, that every act of virtue or friendship was attended with a fecret pleasure; whence they concluded, that friendship and virtue could not be difinterested. But the fallacy of this is obvious. The virtuous fentiment or paffion produces the pleasure, and does not arife from it. I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend, because I love him ; but do not love him for the fake of that pleasure.

In the fecond place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are far from being indifferent to praife; and therefore they have been reprefented as a fet of vain glo

1

rious men, who had nothing in view but the applaufes of others. But this alfo is a fallacy. It is very unjust

in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable action, to depreciate it upon that account, or ascribe it entirely to that motive. The cafe is not the fame with vanity, as with other paffions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any feemingly virtuous action, it is difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and it is natural to fuppofe it the fole actuating principle. But vanity is fo closely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions approaches fo near the love of laudable actions for their own fake, that these paffions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of affection; and it is almoft impoffible to have the latter without fome degree of the former. Accordingly, we find, that this paffion for glory is always warped and varied according to the particular tafte or fentiment of the mind on which it falls. NERO had the fame vanity in driving a chariot, that TRAJAN had in governing the empire with justice and ability. To love the glory of virtuous deeds is a fure proof of the love of virtue.

THOSE who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party-rage, and party-prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others, contributes moft to public utility, and even to the private fatisfaction of those who addict themselves to the ftudy of it. I am apt, however, to entertain a suspicion, that the world is ftill too young to fix many general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; fo that not only the art of reasoning is still defective in this science, as in all others, but we even want fufficient materials upon which we can reafon. It is not fully known, what degree of refinement, either in virtue or vice, human nature is fufceptible of; nor what may be expected of mankind from any great revolution in their education, cuftoms, or principles. MACHIAVEL was certainly a great genius; but having confined his ftudy to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or to the little disorderly principalities of ITALY, his reafonings, especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely defective; and there fcarcely is any maxim in his prince, which fubsequent experience has not entirely refuted. A weak prince, fays he, is incapable of receiving good counsel; for if he confult with several, he will not be able to choose among their different counfels. If

he abandon himself to one, that minister may, perhaps, have capacity; but he will not long be a minifter: He will be fure to difpoffefs his master, and place himself and his family upon the throne. I mention this, among many inftances of the errors of that politician, proceeding, in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of EUROPE are at prefent governed by their ministers; and have been fo for near two centuries; and yet no fuch event has ever happened, or can poffibly happen. SEJANUS might project dethroning the CASARS; but FLEURY, though ever fo vicious, could not, while in his fenfes, entertain the leaft hopes of difpoffeffing the BOURBONS.

Trade was never efteemed an affair of state till the laft century; and there fcarcely is any ancient writer on politics, who has made mention of it †. Even the ITALIANS have kept a profound filence with regard to it, though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of minifters of ftate, as of fpeculative reafoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and military atchievements of the two maritime powers feem first to have inftructed mankind in the importance of an extenfive commerce.

Having, therefore, intended in this effay to make a full comparison of civil liberty and absolute government, and to fhow the great advantages of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a fufpicion, that no man in this age was fufficiently qualified for fuch an undertaking; and that whatever any one should advance on that head would, in all probability, be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by pofterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and fo many

XENOPHON mentions it; but with a doubt if it be of any advantage to a state. Elde mal quwogía opèdel tɩ wóλíy, &c. XEN. HIERO. PLATO totally excludes it from his imaginary republic. De legibus, lib. iv.