Thofe, who labour in fuch commodities, muft either enlift in the troops, or turn themselves to agriculture, and thereby oblige fome labourers to enlift for want of bufinefs. And to confider the matter abftractedly, manufactures encrease the power of the state only as they ftore up fo much labour, and that of a kind to which the public may lay claim, without depriving any one of the neceffaries of life. The more labour, therefore, is employed beyond mere neceffaries, the more powerful is any state; fince the persons engaged in that labour may eafily be converted to the public service. In a state without manufactures, there may be the fame number of hands; but there is not the fame quantity of labour, nor of the fame kind. All the labour is there beftowed upon neceffaries, which can admit of little or no abatement.

Thus the greatness of the fovereign and the happiness of the state are, in a great measure, united with regard to trade and manufactures. It is a violent method, and in moft cafes impracticable, to oblige the labourer to toil, in order to raise from the land more than what fubfifts himself and family. Furnish him with manufactures and commodities, and he will do it of himself. Afterwards you will find it easy to feize fome part of his fuperfluous labour, and employ it in the public service, without giving him his wonted return. Being accustomed to industry, he will think this lefs grievous, than if, at once, you obliged him to an augmentation of labour without any reward. The cafe is the fame with regard to the other members of the ftate. The greater is the stock of labour of all kinds, the greater quantity may be taken from the heap, without making any fenfible alteration in it.

A public granary of corn, a ftorehouse of cloth, a magazine of arms; all these must be allowed real riches

and

and ftrength in any state. Trade and industry are really nothing but a flock of labour, which, in times of peace and tranquillity, is employed for the ease and fatisfaction of individuals; but in the exigencies of ftate, may, in part, be turned to public advantage. Could we convert a city into a kind of fortified camp, and infuse into each breast fo martial a genius, and fuch a paffion for public good, as to make every one willing to undergo the greatest hardships for the fake of the public; these affections might now, as in ancient times, prove alone a fufficient spur to industry, and support the community. It would then be advantageous, as in camps, to banish all arts and luxury; and, by restrictions on equipage and tables, make the provifions and forage laft longer than if the army were loaded with a number of fuperfluous retainers. But as thefe principles are too difinterested and too difficult to fupport, it is requifite to govern men by other paffions, and animate them with a fpirit of avarice and industry, art and luxury. The camp is, in this case, loaded with a fuperfluous retinue; but the provisions flow in proportionably larger. The harmony of the whole is ftill fupported; and the natural bent of the mind being more complied with, individuals, as well as the public, find their account in the cbfervance of those maxims.

The fame method of reasoning will let us fee the advantage of foreign commerce, in augmenting the power of the state, as well as the riches and happiness of the fubject. It encreases the ftock of labour in the nation; and the fovereign may convert what share of it he finds neceffary to the service of the public. Foreign trade, by its imports, furnishes materials for new manufactures ; and by its exports, it produces labour in particular commodities, which could not be confumed at home. In VOL. I.

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fhort,

fhort, a kingdom, that has a large import and export, must abound more with industry, and that employed upon delicacies and luxuries, than a kingdom which rests contented with its native commodities. It is, therefore, more powerful, as well as richer and happier. The individuals reap the benefit of these commodities, so far as they gratify the fenses and appetites. And the public is also a gainer, while a greater stock of labour is, by this means, ftored up against any public exigency; that is, a greater number of laborious men are maintained, who may be diverted to the public service, without robbing any one of the necessaries, or even the chief conveniencies of life.

If we confult hiftory, we fhall find, that, in most nations, foreign trade has preceded any refinement in home manufactures, and given birth to domestic luxury. The temptation is ftronger to make use of foreign commodities, which are ready for use, and which are entirely new to us, than to make improvements on any domestic commodity, which always advance by flow degrees, and never affect us by their novelty. The profit is also very great, in exporting what is fuperfluous at home, and what bears no price, to foreign nations, whose soil or climate is not favourable to that commodity. Thus men become aquainted with the pleafures of luxury and the profits of commerce; and their delicacy and industry, being once awakened, carry them on to farther improvements, in every branch of domestic as well as foreign trade. And this perhaps is the chief advantage which arises from a commerce with ftrangers. It roufes men from their indolence; and prefenting the gayer and more opulent part of the nation with objects of luxury, which they never before dreamed of, raises in them a defire of a more splendid way of life than what their ancestors enjoyed. And

at the fame time, the few merchants, who poffefs the fecret of this importation and exportation, make great profits; and becoming rivals in wealth to the ancient nobility, tempt other adventurers to become their rivals in commerce. Imitation foon diffuses all those arts; while domeftic manufacturers emulate the foreign in their improvements, and work up every home commodity to the utmost perfection of which it is fufceptible. Their own fteel and iron, in fuch laborious hands, become equal to the gold and rubies of the INDIES.

When the affairs of the fociety are once brought to this fituation, a nation may lose most of its foreign trade, and yet continue a great and powerful people. If ftrangers will not take any particular commodity of ours, we must ceafe to labour in it. The fame 'hands will turn themselves towards fome refinement in other commodities, which may be wanted at home. And there must always be materials for them to work upon; till every perfon in the ftate, who poffeffes riches, enjoys as great plenty of home commodities, and those in as great perfection, as he defires; which can never poffibly happen. CHINA is reprefented as one of the moft flourishing empires in the world; though it has very little commerce beyond its own territories.

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It will not, I hope, be confidered as a fuperfluous digreffion, if I here observe, that, as the multitude of mechanical arts is advantageous, fo is the great number of perfons to whofe fhare the productions of these arts fall. A too great difproportion among the citizens weakens any ftate. Every person, if poffible, ought to enjoy the fruits of his labour, in a full poffeffion of all the neceffaries, and many of the conveniencies of life. No one can doubt, but fuch an equality is most suitable to human nature, and diminishes much lefs from the happiness of the

rich than it adds to that of the poor. It alfo augments the power of the fate, and makes any extraordinary taxes or impofitions be paid with more chearfulness. Where the riches are engroffed by a few, these must contribute very largely to the fupplying of the public neceffities. But when the riches are difperfed among multitudes, the burthen feels light on every fhoulder, and the taxes make not a very fenfible difference on any one's way of living.

Add to this, that, where the riches are in few hands, these must enjoy all the power, and will readily confpire to lay the whole burthen on the poor, and opprefs them ftill farther, to the difcouragement of all industry.

In this circumftance confifts the great advantage of ENGLAND above any nation at prefent in the world, or that appears in the records of any ftory. It is true, the ENGLISH feel fome disadvantages in foreign trade by the high price of labour, which is in part the effect of the riches of their artifans, as well as of the plenty of money: But as foreign trade is not the moft material circumftance, it is not to be put in competition with the happiness of so many millions. And if there were no more to endear to them that free government under which they live, this alone were fufficient. The poverty of the common people is a natural, if not an infallible effect of abfolute monarchy; though I doubt, whether it be always true, on the other hand, that their riches are an infallible refult of liberty. Liberty must be attended with particular accidents, and a certain turn of thinking, in order to produce that effect. Lord BACON, accounting for the great advantages obtained by the ENGLISH in their wars with FRANCE, afcribes them chiefly to the fuperior eafe and plenty of the common people amongst the former; yet the government of the two kingdoms was,

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