conftitution, which produced the tumultuous governments of ATHENS and ROME, and ended at laft in the ruin of these two famous republics? And fo little dependance has this affair on the humours and education of particular men, that one part of the fame republic may be wifely conducted, and another weakly, by the very fame men, merely on account of the difference of the forms and inftitutions, by which these parts are regulated. Hiftorians inform us that this was actually the cafe with GENOA. For while the ftate was always full of fedition, and tumult, and diforder, the bank of St. GEORGE, which had become a confiderable part of the people, was conducted, for several ages, with the utmost integrity and wifdom*. The ages of greatest public spirit are not always most` eminent for private virtue. Good laws may beget order and moderation in the government, where the manners and cuftoms have inftilled little humanity or justice into the tempers of men. The moft illuftrious period of the ROMAN history, confidered in a political view, is that between the beginning of the first and end of the last PUNIC war; the due balance between the nobility and people being then fixed by the contests of the tribunes, and not being yet loft by the extent of conquefts. Yet at this very time, the horrid practice of poisoning was fo common, that, during part of a season, a Prætor punished *Effempio veramente raro, & da Filofofi intante loro imaginate & vedute Republiche mai non trovato, vedere dentro ad un medefimo cerchio, fra medefimi eittadini, la liberta, & la tirannide, la vita civile & la corotta, la giuftitia & la licenza ; perche quello ordine folo mantiere quella citta piena di costumi antichi venerabili. E s'egli auveniffe (che col tempo in ogni modo auverrà) que SAN GIORGIO tutta quel la città occupasse, sarrebbe quella una Republica piu dalla VINZTIANA memorabile. Della Hift. Florentinè, lib. 8. capitally capitally for this crime above three thousand † perfons in a part of ITALY; and found informations of this nature ftill multiplying upon him. There is a fimilar, or rather a worse instancet, in the more early times of the commonwealth. So depraved in private life were that people, whom in their hiftories we so much admire. I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during the time of the two Triumvirates; when they were tearing their common country to pieces, and spreading flaughter and defolation over the face of the earth, merely for the choice of tyrants*. Here, then, is a fufficient inducement to maintain, with the utmost ZEAL, in every free ftate, thofe forms and inftitutions, by which liberty is fecured, the public good confulted, and the avarice or ambition of particular men restrained and punished. Nothing does more honour to human nature, than to fee it fufceptible of fo noble a paffion; as nothing can be a greater indication of meanness of heart in any man, than to see him destitute of it. A man who loves only himself, without regard to friendship and defert, merits the severeft blame; and a man, who is only fufceptible of friendship, without public spirit, or a regard to the community, is deficient in the most material part of virtue. But this is a fubject which needs not be longer infifted on at present. There are enow of zealots on both fides who kindle up the paffions of their partizans, and under † T. LIVII, lib. 40. cap. 43. Id. lib. 8. cap. 18. * L'Aigle contre L'Aigle, ROMAINS contre ROMAINS, CORNEILLE pretence of public good, pursue the interefts and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I fhall always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps the fureft way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be poffible, from the foregoing doctrine, to draw a leflon of moderation with regard to the parties, into which our country is at prefent divided; at the fame time, that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and paffion, with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country. Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as ours, where the utmoft liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public. His enemies are fure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness nor crime, of which, in their account, he is not capable. Unneceffary wars, fcandalous treaties, profufion of public treasure, oppreffive taxes, every kind of mal-adminiftration is afcribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his pernicious conduct, it is faid, will extend its baleful influence even to pofterity, by undermining the best conftitution in the world, and difordering that wife fyftem of laws, institutions, and cuftoms, by which our ancestors, during fo many centuries, have been fo happily governed. He is not only a wicked minifter in himself, but has removed every fecurity provided against wicked minifters for the future. On the other hand, the partizans of the minifter make his panegyric run as high as the accufation against him, and celebrate his wife, fteady and moderate conduct in every part part of his adminiftration. The honour and intereft of the nation fupported abroad, public credit maintained at home, persecution reftrained, faction fubdued; the merit of all these bleffings is afcribed folely to the minister. At the fame time. he crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the beft conftitution in the world, which he has preferved in all its parts, and has tranfmitted entire, to be the happiness and fecurity of the latest po fterity. When this accufation and panegyric are received by the partizans of each party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both fi'es, and fill the nation with violent animofities. But I would fain perfuade thefe party-zea.ots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the accufation and panegyric, and that it were impoffible for either of them to run fo high, were it not for this contradiction. If our conftitution be really that noble fabric, the pride of BRITAIN, the envy of our neighbours, raised by the labour of fo many centuries, repaired at the expence of fo many millions, and cemented by fuch a profufion of blood*; I fay, if our conftitution does in any degree deferve thefe eulogies, it would never have fuffered a wicked and weak minifter to govern triumphantly for a courfe of twenty years, when opposed by the greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the people. But, if the minifter be wicked and weak, to the degree fo ftrenuously infifted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original principles, and he cannot confiftently be charged with undermining the * Dissertation on parties, Letter 10, beft best conftitution in the world. A conftitution is only fo far good, as it provides a remedy against mal-adminiftration; and if the BRITISH conftitution, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two fuch remarkable events, as the Revolution and Acceffion, by which our ancient royal family was facrificed to it; if our conftitution, I fay, with fo great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any fuch remedy, we are rather beholden to any minifter who undermines it, and affords us an opportunity of erecting in its place a better constitution. I would employ the fame topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend the minifter. Is our conftitution fo excellent? Then a change of miniftry can be no fuch dreadful event; fince it is effential to fuch a conftitution, in every miniftry, both to preserve itself from violation, and to prevent all enormities in the adminiftration. Is our conftitution very bad? Then fo extraordinary a jealousy and apprehenfion, on account of changes, is ill-placed; and a man fhould no more be anxious in this cafe, than a husband, who had married a woman from the ftews, fhould be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public affairs, in such a conftitution, must neceffarily go to confufion, by whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of patriots is in that cafe much lefs requifite than the patience and submission of philofophers. The virtue and good intentions of CATO and BRUTUS are highly laudable; but, to what purpose did their zeal serve? To nothing, but to hasten the fatal period of the ROMAN government, and render its convulfions and dying agonies more violent and painful. I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deferve no care and attention at all. Would men be moderate |