immigration, counted for much in the successful development of the country. In war as well as in peace they did their full duty, and their record of services is one that well deserves the tributes of honor now being paid to them. Löher was one of the first German writers to bring out the share of the Germans in the making of the United States, and Kapp and Schurz for New York, and Seidensticker for Pennsylvania, supplied much of the material that, along with research in the original records, has made Miss Bittinger's book one that deserves recognition for its merits. Her book is inspired by her own descent from good German stock and her earlier books paid due tribute to the merits of her own ancestors. Now on a broader field her hand has boldly and clearly traced the story of the early German settlers in various parts of the country, of their struggles and sacrifices, of their conquest not only of the soil, but of the prejudices of the colonial governments and of their neighbors and of others who envied them the fruits of tireless patience, endurance and faith. Her narrative begins with the conditions in Germany which led to emigration, and traces its successive stages in Pennsylvania and Maryland, in New York and New Jersey, in Virginia and the Carolinas, and Georgia. It shows the share of the Germans in the old French war, and gives an account of the "Royal American” Regiment, still in existence in the British army, and proud of its record in America. Of the Germans as pioneers and in the War of American Independence, and of their share in the dealings with the Indians, this little book gives a very satisfactory summary. A chronological table, and a list of works consulted and cited, and a full index, give it special value for purposes of reference and as a useful handbook. Modest alike in tone and spirit, as well as in its size, this volume on the Germans in colonial times, is a book that well deserves a place in every collection of historical works. The product of the early German press is now eagerly sought by collectors, and from the long list of works printed by Sauer and Franklin, at Ephrata and Frederick, in Lancaster and Philadelphia, many are noteworthy for their intrinsic value, and as illustrating the learning brought here by early German immigrants. Of these books Miss Bittinger makes due mention, and her chapter on "The German Press" is among the most noteworty of the many subjects so well treated in her pages. Her studies have been wide and exhaustive, and the result is a well planned, well digested and well executed volume, that cannot fail to bring home to her readers a better knowledge of what this country owes to its German population, and their share in its growth and development in its best characteristics.

Philadelphia.

J. G. ROSENGARTEN.

The "Machine" Abolished and the People Restored to Power by the Organization of All the People on the Lines of Party Organization. By CHARLES C. P. CLARK, M. D. Pp. 196. Price, $1.00. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1900.

Many years ago, Dr. Clark diagnosed the disease of our body politic, but the New York Legislature refused to fill the prescription when his own city of Oswego wished to remedy the disorder. Consultation and research having confirmed his opinion, he here gives us in more detail both the scientific determination of the cause of the disturbance and a treatment for its correction.

Accepting the general principle of democracy, the author finds that the evil lies in the present method of general elections. The method, however, is at fault only in large constituencies, where it is necessary either to vote for the party nominees or to lose a vote.

Yet party organizations are universally necessary under existing conditions. To abolish the party, the conditions must be altered. The people must nominate those whom they elect. The citizens must be organized on natural lines as one body to centre their votes on men whom they know and whose duties they understand. The caucus and convention are the natural machines for the expression of the popular will. The fact that the parties, and not the people, control them is the true root of our political difficulties.

The failure of direct popular elections being attributed to three conditions, the treatment is designed to counteract (1) the actual and necessary ignorance of the great majority of voters both as to whom they are voting for and what they are voting about; (2) their utter inability to unite of and among themselves, upon representative candidates for office; and (3) the organizations of politicians who have become corrupt and corrupting masters.

The principle invoked is similar to that proposed before the constitutional convention of 1787, that the President be chosen by electors to be chosen by the people. It is the method of compound representation by which the members of the French constituent assembly of 1789 were elected. It is the electoral system on an extension plan. The primary caucus-chosen delegates, or their representatives, which now make but a preliminary, shall make the final choice of public officials. Nomination and election are to merge, and become synonymous. The primaries must be substituted for the polls. But there is to be only one primary for each precinct, at which all the voters are to assemble in actual and orderly conference, after the manner of the old New England town-meeting, to elect one delegated representative. Where these primary delegates are too numerous for free consultation, they must be assembled in district conventions and appoint

delegates of a higher grade to convene for the selection of men for office.

Among the peculiar features embodied in this plan are those limiting the tenure of office and the size and personnel of the primary caucus. Office-holders and delegates shall be removable at the will of the power that elected. The primaries are to be composed of equal numbers (say two hundred) of all the voters in a ward or township distributed among the precincts by lot, after the fashion of empaneling a jury. This lot-drawn constituency meets privately, elects its own officers and tellers, cannot be adjourned before a certain time, votes by ballot upon the calling of the roll, and elects a man not a member of the primary. By this general remedy we are to have less taxes, fewer elections, more concentration of authority in the people, greater official responsibility, an end of election frauds, the abolition of the "machine," and a better form of democracy.

The prognosis is too favorable. Party spirit will prevent such a consummation for an indefinite period. The fundamental reason for partisanship is that men differ in opinion. The treatment does not abolish the party. It should not. It aims at the party organization. Even here, the author admits that the full benefits are ultimate and not immediate. This relief must be accepted in the absence of speedier reform, yet the plan proposed offers no increased opportunity for the political education of the people. It does not solve the city problem. It does not actually increase either the power or the knowledge of the community. Only action and education can do that.

The possibilities of disproportionate representation as a result of the unessential feature of lot-drawn constituencies are so great that the American spirit is apt to prefer cheating, which may be stopped, to bad luck, which cannot be changed. The remedy, however would probably prove beneficial; it certainly offers more hope than any other single preparation in the political pharmacopoeia. It will make an issue on men rather than on measures, and tend to put the right man in the right place. The success of the whole system depends upon the conduct of the primary caucus which may be controlled by a majority of its members. If the people rule not well, they may at least rule and have only themselves to blame.

Philadelphia.

CLAUDE L. ROTH.

A Century of American Diplomacy. By JOHN W. FOSTER. Pp. 497. Price, $3.50. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 1901.

Ex-Secretary of State John W. Foster has written a very interesting history of the hundred years of American diplomacy from 1776. The

book is an " outgrowth of a series of lectures delivered in the School of Diplomacy of Columbian University." Two motives for the publication are given by the author: first, that "the young men of the country may have their patriotism quickened and be inspired with a new zeal to assist in maintaining the honorable position of our government in its foreign relations;" and secondly, that "in view of the recently enlarged political and commercial intercourse of the United States with other powers, a succinct history of the diplomatic affairs of the government might be useful in the solution of the questions of foreign policy now so urgently presented to the American people." In short, Mr. Foster proposed the twofold task of a text for the college and high school and a popular history which would attract the busy citizen and mould his opinions on questions of foreign policy. Mr. Foster has had a long public experience, at home as a lawyer, soldier, editor, politician, and abroad as our diplomat to Mexico, Russia and Spain. He actively assisted Mr. Blaine in the negotiation of the reciprocity treaties. He had charge of the American case before the Behring Sea arbitrators. He was secretary of state, and later was called by the Emperor of China to assist him in the peace negotiations with Japan. He probably possesses a more intimate acquaintance with foreign diplomats, politicians and statesmen than any other American. Therefore anything he might write would have more than academic interest. Added to the equipment of experience, Mr. Foster possesses a simple, lively style and a taste for an interesting subjectmatter. Possibly here he has erred in selecting too much material that is merely anecdotal. Frequently his quotations are long and have only an indirect bearing on his theme. He has evidently desired to indicate the advance the century has brought in political and party ethics. To this end he has revived in excessive detail the wrangles and intrigue of our political fathers. He has gone freely to the original sources. Unfortunately, in referring to the "President's messages," Mr. Foster has accredited this collection of documents to the unworthy editor who abused the trust reposed upon him by Congress. The name of "Richardson" should be erased from the pages of the "President's Messages."

Considering the popular and didactic purpose of his work, Mr. Foster may be criticised in the organization of his material. Too frequently it is scattered here and there, and tends to confuse one who would understand the logical significance of the facts. Following a chapter on "The Treaty of Peace and Independence" is a chapter entitled "Peace Under the Confederation," in which he uses some sixteen pages to describe further matters pertaining to the peace treaty and omits the details of our difficulties during that period with France

and Spain. The French attitude toward us during the revolution was highly paternalistic. Because of the treaty of permanent alliance she naturally expected this would continue, and she was not prepared to see us assert a position of equality. For six years she refused to negotiate a consular convention unless large powers were conferred on the consuls. Likewise she insisted on her right to try the man who assaulted Marbois in the streets of Philadelphia. This first and last of our "foreign entanglements" should receive careful consideration in any work on American diplomacy. The vexatious negotiations, under the confederation, with the Spanish respecting the navigation of the Mississippi are passed over with a sentence, and no mention is made of the principles of international law involved. Indeed, this suggests another fault in Mr. Foster's work in view of the purpose to which he dedicates it.

He constantly omits to suggest the general principles of international law involved in the controversies and often neglects the collateral facts of domestic and foreign history which are necessary to an intelligent understanding of the true situation. The party feeling in England on the negotiation of the treaty of independence is not discussed. The rivalry of Fox and Shelburne and the pique the former felt at the latter's elevation to prime minister on the death of Rockingham played an important part in making the peace treaty and the failure to make a commercial treaty. Shelburne's generosity was calculated to serve England as much as Fox's parsimony. Shelburne, as the disciple of Adam Smith, realized the value of a lively and harmonious trade with the west. Fox opposed a relaxation of the navigation acts in favor of the United States and pushed through Parliament an act empowering George III to establish such commercial relations as he deemed advisable. He selected the niggardly policy. Thus the great opportunity to establish peace between the two countries on a broad basis was thrown away and discord was sown which brought forth thirty years of strife and finally a war. States are sordid creatures whose motives invariably are self-preservation and selfish aggrandizement. We must not forget that the United States is no exception to the general rule. Therefore, where we find one state or a party within that state pursuing a liberal policy toward another, there is every reason for inquiry into the motives for that liberality.

Mr. Foster has striven to be fair in his estimate and discussion of men and international relations. Occasionally he has taken a too American view. Speaking of the treaty with the Netherlands in 1782, the author remarks that "the recognition of our independence by Holland though tardy, was most welcome." It is a well founded rule of international law that premature recognition of the independence