ing into service a larger proportion of the popula- | situated on the main land, thus changing the nature tion than was ever before in any country called into the field. It is also announced that Mr. Preston, once United States Minister to Spain, has been sent to Mexico, with power to "recognize" the Government of the Emperor Maximilian, upon condition of his recognition of the Confederacy. "A recognition by Mexico," say the Southern papers, "is equivalent to one by France." The financial scheme, which has also become a law in effect, gives the holders of Confederate notes the option of exchanging them at once for bonds bearing interest at the rate of 4 per cent., payable in twenty years, or of having them practically confiscated. The confiscation is effected by taxing the notes at such a rate that within a year the tax will equal the face of the note. The regular tax bill levies 5 per cent. additional upon all property, with a few exceptions, and 10 per cent. on plate, watches, jewels, and the like; sales of products, merchandise, stocks, and the like pay 10 per cent. additional. EUROPE. of the contest. from its first avowed object of a mere precautionary measure to one of actual war upon Denmark. Immediately upon the receipt of this intelligence in London, a Cabinet Council was summoned. The whole attitude of the Danish Government indicates that it relies upon the support of the European Powers, for without such support, with a population of a million and a half, it can hardly expect to maintain a contest with Germany, with twenty times as many. Upon the sea the Danes are quite equal to the Germans, and their vessels are cruising in the narrow seas. An embargo has been laid upon all German shipping in Danish ports; and the Diet at Frankfort has announced a like embargo upon Danish shipping in German ports. In the mean while the minor German Powers appear nowise content with the action of Austria and Prussia in taking the Danish question into their own hands. The British Parliament assembled on the 4th of February. The Queen's Message contains no allusion to American affairs. In respect to the Danish Actual hostilities have occurred between Den- question, it says that the state of affairs on the Conmark on the one side and Austria and Prussia on tinent has given her Majesty great anxiety; the the other. Whether these are but the beginning preservation of the integrity of the Danish monof a general European war will depend upon the archy was of great importance to Europe, and she action of the other European Powers. At present would continue her efforts to ward off the dangers we can only give the chronology of the events which might follow from a beginning of warfare in which have actually occurred. As noted in our the north of Europe. Some aspects of the Amerlast Record, Austria and Prussia proposed to oc-ican question have, however, largely engrossed cupy the Duchies, and at the same time demanded the attention of Parliament. The most significant important concessions from Denmark. The Dan-speech on this subject was made by Earl Russell, ish Administration requested a delay of six weeks on the 15th, with special reference to the case of the to enable it to assemble the Diet. This was re- Alabama. From this speech we extract a single fused, and on the 27th of January orders were paragraph: given for the Austro-Prussian army to advance and take possession of Schleswig, summoning the Danish commander, General De Meza, to evacuate the Duchy. The entire Danish force numbered not quite 40,000 men, who held the line of the Dannewerke, a strong series of intrenchments some forty miles in extent. The force was quite too small to defend this long line. The Austrians and Prussians advanced on the 2d and 3d of February in greatly superior force, pierced the line at various points, and forced the Danes to give up the whole line, abandoning from 60 to 120 heavy guns, and losing some hundreds of prisoners. The fighting, though at great odds, was sharp, the assailants suffering severely. The town of Schleswig, the capital of the Duchy of the same name, was occupied by the Prussian army on the 9th; General Wrangel, the Prussian commander, issuing a proclamation announcing that the authority of the King of Denmark was "suspended" in the Duchies, that the public functionaries would remain in office, but that they must obey the Austrian and Prussian Civil Commissioners; the people meanwhile must keep quiet, and not hold any political meetings or make any demonstrations. The latest accounts represent the main body of the Danish troops as strongly intrenched at Duppel and on the little island of Alsen, which is separated from the main land only by a narrow channel. Their whole line of outposts was attacked on the 18th by the German forces, who were driven back to their position, which they still occupied. In the mean while another strong body of the Germans had crossed the frontier of Schleswig and entered Jutland, the southern province of Denmark proper, "I do consider that, having passed a law to prevent the enlistment of her Majesty's subjects in the service of within her Majesty's dominions, of vessels for warlike purશ foreign Power, to prevent the fitting out or equipping, poses without her Majesty's sanction-I say that, having passed such a law in the year 1819, it is a scandal and a reproach that one of the belligerents in this American contest has been enabled, at the order of the Confederate Government, to fit out a vessel at Liverpool in such a way that she was capable of being made a vessel of war; that, after going to another port in her Majesty's dominions to ship a portion of her crew, she proceeded to a port in neutral territory, and there completed her crew and equip ment as a vessel of war, so that she has since been able to capture and destroy innocent merchant-vessels belonging to the other belligerent. Having been thus equipped by an evasion of the law, I say it is a scandal to our law that we should not be able to prevent such belligerent operations." The Confederate steamer Georgia, which had been for some time lying in the French port of Cherbourg, slipped away at midnight of the 15th of February, and stood out to sea. It seems now to be definitely settled that the Archduke Maximilian will accept the proffer of the Imperial crown of Mexico. The programme of the proceedings is thus laid down: While awaiting the official return of the votes in the principal Mexican cities, he will visit the courts of Belgium, France, and Great Britain. After being present at the baptism of the son of the Prince of Wales he will return to Vienna, and receive the Mexican deputation with the official offer of the crown. He will then be proclaimed at Vienna as Emperor of Mexico, and proceed on board an Austrian man-of-war from Trieste, touching at Civita Vecchia, the port of Rome, to receive the blessing of the Head of the Church, and then cross the ocean to his new dominions. HE great movement of the early spring is the Fair will have been opened and probably closed. Sanitary Fair for the United States Commis-, Poor little Brooklyn- However, we must stick sion. It is a fair in many parts-in many booths, to our text. Yet it may not be irrelevant to reso to say. There is the Chicago booth, and the mark that in the neighboring town of Erooklyn, a Boston and Cincinnati booths, which were opened quiet and pretty suburb of the metropolis-a rural and closed early in the winter. And there are the neighborhood upon Long Island-there was also a Buffalo, and Cleveland, and Albany, and Balti- very creditable Fair, very. There was something more, and New York booths-and others in every said of rivaling the metropolis. Now let us hope part of the loyal land. Sometimes the booths are that nobody will remember the fable of the frog and small-but the hearts in them are as large, and the the ox. At the moment of writing it is not possible fingers as steadily busy, as in the greater. Provi- for the Easy Chair to know whether Brooklyn rafdence had an impromptu fair, almost, and yet it fled or not. If it did, we in the metropolis know gathered about four thousand dollars. Still small- that it thereby debauched the public mind, corer towns have done their share. The great work rupted the public heart, poisoned the public morals, The fourth year of the war is opening, tainted the public conscience, ruined the public virand the men and the money come so freely that tue, blasted the public promise, and plunged the dear old Europe, which sneered in the beginning public peace into a pit of perdition. It is therefore that our Government was not strong enough, now to be hoped that raffling was forbidden. Except begins to scoff that it is too strong. for its insular situation we should suppose that Brooklyn had heard of the fate of Bos.on, which raffled, and is already a by-word of debauchery, corruption, etc., etc. goes on. In Boston the crowd at the fair was so great that every thing large and valuable was distributed by raffle! Poor heathen! The religious city of New York taught them a lesson there! It may do very well for the Boston pagans to give five or ten dollars for the soldiers, with the chance of getting a port-folio of original designs by our best artists which is valued at four thousand. dollars. But such conduct tends to debauch the public conscience and corrupt the public virtue. It is only another form of that pestilent Puritanism which begets freedom and prosperity, and is forever insisting upon education and enlightenment. Pagans and Puritans raffle because raffling is debauchery, and they are debauchees. Poor Boston! it actually raffled! Did it forget Sodom and Gomorrah? Because it sits upon Three Mountains, did it hope to escape the fate of the Cities of the Plain? No: Boston raffled; and the huge moral criminal ought to be ashamed of itself. There was a terrible fellow in New York named Jack, and he met his friend Tom. "Tom," said Jack, "where have you been ?" "To Boston," answered Tom. "Did you?" exclaimed Jack, fervently; "how glad I am. I hate the Bostonians!" Jack is the same person who is so glad that Boston had raffling at its Sanitary Fair. He knows that raffling at a charity Fair corrupts the public virtue; and he knows—for Jack is wonderfully intelligent-that the sentiment of a religious city like New York would recoil from such iniquity. Poor Boston! Ilium fuit. Boston raffled! Of course the authorities of the Sanitary Commission have returned those fifty thousand dollars sent from the Boston Fair. The money is tainted. All the perfumes of New York piety could not sweeten that little hand of Boston charity. The money is the price of raffling! It would make the soldier's head throb, and his wound bleed afresh. It should be purged, and set aside to found a great mission to counteract the public corruption which springs from charitable raffling, as surely as disease from fresh air. Meanwhile let us in New York thank God we are not as other people are, rafflers, charitable, and Puritan. Let us attend to our own fairs and affairs. When this Magazine is issued, the Metropolitan But, as we were saying, let us thank Heaven that we are virtuous. It is understood at this writing that there will be no distribution by lot. There will consequently be much less money raised, unless the resolution of the Committee should have alienated the sympathy of the congregations whose pastors protested. Their motives were doubtless as pure as other men's. Yet we can not help wishing they could have seen the matter differently; that they should have looked rather at the fact than the theory; rather at the spirit than at the letter: and there is, doubtless, many a soldier sick and wounded and weary, who loves his minister and his church, who wishes, also, that the word had not been spoken which abridges his comfort and diminishes his hop of recovery. If only the protest had been against pride, malice, and all uncharitableness, and had sternly denounced these in the management of a Fair-(of course in the metropolis our withers would have been unwrung, but in Brooklyn, tut, tut!—in Albany, in Buffalo, in all other cities what would they have done under such a ban!) But see the weakness of human nature! We say that in the condemnation of such trivial offenses we should have sympathized, while from the censure of the crowning crime of raffling we hold aloof. Let this Easy Chair be then a warning. But above all, let us not give a dollar in charity with a chance of a pin-cushion thrown in lest we debauch the public conscience. WASHINGTON's birthday was more universally and heartily observed this year than for many years past. It was a curious and interesting tribute to his character, and to our estimate of him. For if there were any thing in his life or words which did not most fully sustain the nationality and inseparable union of the American people and States, his name would have passed instinctively out of the range of our affectionate admiration. Mere genius, mere greatness of intellectual or even of purely moral qualities, would not hold any man close to the heart of a great people struggling in civil war. Only the profoundest interest in their cause can do that. Washington is not only our General, our President, our wise political counselor, but he is the incarnation of the instinct of Union and nationality, and his fame and the popular affection which follows you listened to him, not to believe that he had perhim will be as eternal as the nation itself. We can see this in another way, from the fact that the rebels neither did nor logically could-even if circumstances like Sherman and Farragut had favored-celebrate his birthday as a festival. They have put his figure, indeed, in a coarse wood-cut upon their paper-money, and they talk of the great Virginian. But they can not repeat a word of his which favors their crime, and he is distinctively, not the great Virginian, but the great American. His companion and rival, Jefferson, was, perhaps, a man of finer intellect and genius. He certainly said much more about the people and the Democracy than Washington. But Jefferson was a politician. He coquetted with Virginia resolutions and other shadowy forms of denationalizing influence. The consequence is that he does not lie very near the heart of the people. His powers, his services, his success, are sincerely acknowledged; but his name is not a spell to conjure popular love by; his birthday could not be made a national holiday. And let us here, in the name of our large constituency in every part of the country, thank Mayor Gunther of New York for his manly and sensible letter declining to approve the project of dining the Common Council in honor of the day. If he can not withstand the main torrent of civic extravagance, he will stop a little rill, and show his goodwill. And if leaning upon the noble exemplar of the day; if, like Washington, refusing to trust himself to cliques and resolving to rest upon the general good sense, the Mayor of the city of New York would appeal to the support of the real people, he would signalize his administration. The feeling of politicians is that the worst passions and lowest interests of the public must be relied upon for official or political success. But if an experiment of another kind should be tried, it would be found, here as elsewhere, that the intelligence of the population, which is disheartened by the supposition that the contest is hopeless, would be so invigorated by the prospect of hearty and honest co-operation from the executive head, that it would show itself strong enough to support the head and protect itself. No magistrate had ever a fairer opportunity than the present mayor; for his election was the sign of a certain degree of political independence. It was the spirit of Washington that inspired his letter; let the same spirit control his whole magistracy. THE recent removal of Mr. Verplanck from the Presidency of the Century Club, and the election of Mr. Bancroft in his place, is an interesting sign of the times, which can escape no observant Easy Chair. Mr. Verplanck is known to the city for his unblemished character; for his scholarly tastes and habits; for his prominence in public charities; and in other years for his political activity. The older members of the Century especially must always retain the most agreeable impression of the late President; for he represented in many ways not only a past generation, but to a certain degree a kind of culture which is more familiar to London traditions than to those of New York. He used to sit in the club-room and talk of actors, for instance, with the same relish that marked Charles Lamb's criticisms and recollections of the stage. He is, also, a true Knickerbocker, and his reminiscences of the city are so ample and detailed that a walk down Broadway with him was full of the liveliest interest. He is a part of old New York. It was impossible, as sonally known William the Testy and Wouter Van Twiller; and that he had a genuine antipathy to the "losel Yankees." You would instinctively appeal to him to settle a disputed point in Diedrich Knickerbocker's veracious history. Indeed in a city like New York, which has become so cosmopolitan, and where, consequently, the quaint individual characteristics have been overwhelmed, a man like the late President of the Century Club had the charm of an old City Hall in a Flemish town, rich with the associations of ancient burgher days. It was, therefore, unpleasant to think of him as ceasing to be its President before he ceased to live; and certainly nothing but the tragical reality of the times could have occasioned such an event. But in every civil war, so long, so earnest, so sanguinary as this, every body of citizens, for whatever purpose it may be constituted, is of necessity compelled to express itself either actively or passively. The reason is that, in a country like this, the existence of the government is the transcendent question. When that is imperiled every other relation is shaken. Indifference is impossible. To be what is called indifferent, for instance, in a city closely besieged, is merely to say that you do not care whether the besiegers are repulsed or the city falls. Such indifference is the most positive partisanship. It is an attitude of passive opposition to the existing state of things. It is passive co-operation with the assault. . It is so much strength withdrawn from the resistance; and when every man counts it must be, and will be, and ought to be treated accordingly. While the religious civil wars raged in France Montaigne remained retired in his castle. He was a nominal Romanist, indeed, but Montaigne was in no danger of being made a bishop. Now what body of Frenchmen, united for whatever purpose, who were virtually interested either as Romanists or Huguenots, could have retained Montaigne as their head? When he was removed, as inevitably he would have been, he might have smiled, but he would not have wondered nor complained. ference is impossible. When at the beginning of the rebellion the Club in this city facetiously called "The Union Club" declined to expel Judah Benjamin, it showed its sympathies as decisively as if it had elected Jefferson Davis a member. Indif It is useless to say that clubs have nothing to do with politics. You may as truly say the same of social parties and balls. But if a man or woman wears the colors of Nena Sahib at Lady Palmerston's reception, while the Hindoo is starving and slaughtering young Englishmen and women, what do you think of Lord Palmerston if he smiles at the expression of political difference between his guest and himself? What do you think of him, if he goes the next morning and scolds a young British officer who called the wearer of the murderer's colors to account? Could you believe that Lord Palmerston was a very resolute enemy of Nena Sahib's? Political differences, you say, should not poison social intercourse. Would you, then, like to see the President and Jefferson Davis meeting on neutral ground and cheerfully dining together? But every man in the land is as much interested as they are. Every man wishes well to one or the other, and that knowledge instinctively modifies all social intercourse whatever. When a noted General of our army, upon being accosted at a ball by an old acquaintance, who put out his hand and said, warm great illustrations and defenders of constitutional liberty in the largest sense. We may and must believe, in this country, that the necessary development of that liberty will gradually modify and elim ly, "Good-evening, General," why did the soldier keep his own hand quietly at his side and say, coolly, "Good-evening, Sir," but because he knew that the "indifference" of the other encouraged and sustained the rebellion? The heartiness, the satisfac-inate the aristocratic form of government; and they tion of social relations are disturbed despite our will perhaps suppose that ours must become a strong selves in civil war; for a civil war is not a political Government. debate. One man may hold opinions radically opposed to those of another, and the pleasantest intercourse be still possible. But when these opinions become acts involving life, liberty, property, who would still insist that they were still only political differences? You may have thought all your life that a monarchy was the best political system for this country, and you and I may have discussed it over dozens of the softest Bordeaux, and through the sweet smoke of a thousand Havanas. But when you marshal your forces to overthrow this Govern-ery citizen. It is easy, but not very wise, to sneer ment by arms. and have fired upon me and my friends, maiming and murdering us, do you think the survivors are very foolish to allow political differences to prevent their dining with you? As the military aspect of our public affairs becomes more composed, it is easy to see that our attention must be concentrated upon internal questions entirely new and practically difficult. We wish, therefore, to be friends, as much as may be, with the whole world. There is really no reason why we should not be, unless the French conquest of Mexico should compel trouble. And to this great consummation of public tranquillity nothing so directly contributes as the intelligent influence of evincessantly at John Bull. Certainly this Easy Chair cries peccavi! John can and does sneer at us, as Punch has fully proved. Poor old Punch! Let us hope it may recover some of its old spirit, and turn its laugh upon the enemies and not upon the friends of human progress and popular rights. When a man is called upon by civil war to sacrifice his own life, or to see the lives of his sons and brothers sacrificed, he may be considered equal to the sacrifice of personal feeling which is involved in such an act as the removal of a president of a club. For if he frequents the club at all, it is for social relaxation. But can a loyal American citizen at this moment find any pleasing relaxation in the society of Wigfall, or of any one who directly it. or indirectly supports him, or who merely prides himself upon his indifference? There may be, indeed, as in Montaigne's case, an honest indiffer-sistance, material aid, recognition, and the other ence. But it is a good thing to know that the Century Club is not honestly indifferent, but most sincerely and positively conservative and national. He It does not follow indeed that we are to embrace every thing English, nor to suppose that her changed attitude toward us is really a change of heart. Nations do not have that kind of relation with each other. We, especially, have never been famous for it. It is a cardinal point of our policy not to have If any people strikes for liberty or a republic, any where in the world, we simply touch our hats, and make a vague general bow. As for actual as amity. steps so grateful under such circumstances, they are the very steps that we most carefully do not take. But that is intelligible. The footing of nations is that of acquaintances, not of friends. We are in no NOTHING could show more clearly the change of danger of cherishing any romantic affection for Enpublic opinion in this country than the hearty wel- gland, or France, or Russia; but that is no reason come of Mr. George Thompson, from England. why we should defy and distrust them. Perhaps was the most thoroughly hated man in America when we are all gone, and the story of our times is twenty-five years ago; but his services for our more dispassionately told, it will appear that we cause in England during the last three years have had given grave reason for the general apathy, or justly earned for him the sincere good-will with even joy, which attended our extremity. Meanwhich he is now greeted. His earlier practical ac- while we are very glad of the cordial welcome which quaintance with this country had taught him in the Mr. Thompson received, and hope that it may be roughest way the true spirit and power of the insur-understood in England as the sign of national rection, and he has been able to speak with a force of knowledge that no other Englishman possessed. He has been one of the brave band among which we IN Mr. Hunt's lately published "Life of Edward honor the names of John Bright, Professor Cairnes, Livingston" there is a passage from one of LivingGoldwin Smith, Stuart Mill, Cobden, and the rest, ston's speeches or letters in which he expresses his who have as sturdily resisted the opposition of Brit- pride that a woman may travel from one end of ish public opinion as he formerly withstood the stress America to the other without insult. And there is of our own. Twenty-five years ago, for instance, no doubt that we are the most truly courteous of Mr. George Thompson was hunted and mobbed in people, Jean Crapeau to the contrary notwithstandBoston. This year he has been received in that ing. But it is perhaps no less true that that courtcity by the Governor of the State, with tumults of esy is more sorely tried by the beautiful sex than welcome, and with all the hospitality that the pub-in any other land. Within two or three days this lic could offer. And among the pleasant and remarkable events of the evening was the call by the Governor, after all the speeches and the shouting, for three cheers for the Queen of England-the same Governor who, two years ago, took very strong ground in the same city upon the Trent trouble. It was well and worthily done. The people of this country certainly do not seriously wish any war with England, however intense and bitter the feeling against her in individual cases may be. England and the United States are naturally friends, for this reason, if for no other, that they are the Easy Chair has seen a woman come into a car at Springfield, Massachusetts, where the train stopped for dinner, look around, and deliberately place herself in the seat where a bag and traveling-shawl told, as plainly as if some one had spoken, that some gentleman had left the seat to dine, and would presently return. In a few minutes he came to resume his place, looked surprised, asked the woman if she would please hand him his shawl, which she did, and then taking his bag looked around for a seat, and, as I afterward discovered, was obliged to push on to the smoking-car before he found one. At another time a gentleman stepped out of the car for a moment, leaving his shawl, and, returning in less than five minutes, be found a man and woman comfortably ensconced in it. Upon his polite request the woman rose and handed him his shawl; but in neither case was there a single word of explanation or apology from any of the offenders. As the Easy Chair looked on and saw the boorishness of the women and the true courtesy of the men-for in neither instance was there the least apparent ill-humor or abruptness upon the men's part-he could not but wish that his good old friend of the Berkshire Hills bad been there, who waited, when his seat had been taken in a sin ilar way, until the offending woman asked, curtly, "What are you waiting for?" and then answered, with sweet and noble courtesy, "I am waiting to hear you say 'Thank you,' madame." For he did not mean that the fine laws of behavior should be outraged in his presence without a fit rebuke. It is clear in both these cases that if the women had waited patiently until the occupants of the seats came they would have been asked to scat themselves. But, as it was, every well-bred person in the car was chagrined, and the duty of courtesy became more difficult. It is not to be supposed that there was intentional rudeness. If either of the gentlemen had offered an apple to either of the women it would have been taken or declined, but in either case with thanks. And this is the very point of complaint, that a seat in a car, however crowded, the car may be, and however convenient the scat for a traveler making a long journey, is held to be common property, however its possession may be marked. Let, then, either of these women-and their name is legion-who may chance to read these lines, ask herself how she would like to return to a seat, in which she had left her bag or shawl for the purpose of retaining it, and to find it occupied without a word or even look of recognition. We do not indeed buy a specific seat in a car, but common courtesy allots that one to us which we occupy or have designated as ours. But Dorinda, who is reading this page and wondering if the Easy Chair is growing churlish, remarks that selfishness is not confined to women; and that the seats in cars are generally occupied by a single man who shows no alacrity in offering it to the women when they come. Well, let us be frank on both sides. In that case, is it not Dorinda's experience that the women often move along the aisle of the car saying audibly, and not very blandly, "All the seats seem to be taken ?" And has she never seen the same women ask some one of the occupants if he would please sit with the gentleman in front so that the speaker and her friend may sit together? All this proceeds upon the assumption that the ladies are to be conveniently accommodated, does it not? Now Mrs. Trollope forbid that this Easy Chair should question that canon of all American courtesy! He concedes it fully and freely. But is it a right to be boldly claimed? Does it not at once cease to be courtesy when it is so regarded? For when it is understood that it is not a matter of courtesy, surely we have all a right to require that the rules of the car shall be conspicuously posted that no one may go astray. For we have all occasionally seen that hectic and exceptional man who returns to his seat and informs the woman who has installed herself that it is his seat, and he is very sorry, but he must ask for it. Twenty gentlemen may start from their places to offer them to her; but the sting of the rebuke can not be removed. The Easy Chair, in a winter's vagabondage, was once sitting drowsily in a crowded car and suddenly heard a man's shrill and wiry voice behind him saying, "Well, Sir, I will sit bere until the gentleman comes;" and then the same voice added, sharply, "I will give it up; but I don't admit that a shawl keeps a seat." It was impossible not to turn round suddenly and ask: "Why, then, do you give it up, and what does keep a seat if a shawl does not ?” The thin, shrill voice replied: "I don't care to discuss the point." And how impossible, again, it was not to answer: "No, Sir, I should think not upon such a ground." Dorinda ought to remember that, in a country where courtesy is so universal, it may be abused, and every woman ought to act accordingly. Even in the city street cars, always overcrowded, a woman is seldom allowed to stand. unless the quietly insists that she will not take the seat offered to her. But if any thing would chill and check politeness it is assumption. All the sex suffers from the rudeness of one woman. And why may it not sometimes be a valuable service which is performed by the hectic traveler who insists upon his seat? Will she not own that while Mr. Livingston spoke the truth in saying that a woman may travel from one end of the country to the other without insult, yet that very courtesy which he remarked nearly half a century ago has become more difficult from the manner in which it has been received? The Easy Chair will be very glad to hear what Dorinda has to say upon the subject. THE new novel by Charles Dickens will be published serially in this Magazine. He is now the chief of novelists. His great peer, Thackeray, will tell us no more tales. Bulwer is already historical; and the crowd of clever writers, Trollope, Collins, Reade, and the rest, do not stand among the great masters of fiction. Dickens and Miss Evans or George Eliot, are the most illustrious living names in England; for George Sand still lives and writes in France. We but repeat the advice we have often given when we suggest that the reader should begin with the first number of the new story, and not wait until it is ended. That may be two years hence, and to read it then will be a serious matter. For we should remember that the publication by numbers springs from the necessity of the case. It is the prolific literary genius of the age that compels it. In reading nowadays we must divide and conquer. In the Magazine for March was printed the little paper upon Thackeray written for the Cornhill by Dickens. It was pleasant to hear him speak, and, so far as we know, for the first time, of his famous contemporary, who had spoken so much and so heartily of Dickens. Yet the range of the two men's sympathies is so different that neither could be exactly just to the other. Nor is it likely that they were free from the embarrassing consciousness that they were so often contrasted and compared. Every body was challenged to take a side and declare a preference, as if it were a war of York and Lancas ter, and we must be traitors to one or the other. But there may be two rose-trees in the garden, a white and a red; and each so beautiful that both satisfy. Dickens makes an irresistible impression of the |