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globe. Many years will not be given us to discuss this subject. This nation will not long permit the constant commission of crimes that shock human nature, for the sake of the West Indies. If the West India gentlemen will insist on the continuance of such a trade, they must not expect to be very popular in England. They have no right to demand that crimes shall be permitted by this country for their advantage. The advice, therefore, I give them is, that they should relinquish these ideas, and lend their cordial assistance to such measures as may bring about, in the shortest possible time, an abolition of a traffick, for which not one reason can be given, that is consistent WITH POLICY, HUMANITY, OR JUSTICE.

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MR. PITTS'S SPEECH,

DELIVERED ON THE SECOND OF APRIL 1792, IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, ON A MOTION FOR THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE.

MR PITT was the last speaker in this very inte resting debate. Feeling more than usual ardour, from the vehement resistance the motion for abolishing the slave trade had received, he came forward and delivered a speech, which, after noticing and confu ting all the objections that had been previously urged against the proposition, proceeds in tones of the most indignant and sublime eloquence to expose the enor mities of this complicated system of moral turpitude, and national infamy.

MR. SPEAKER,

SPEECH, &c.

AT this hour of the morning* I am afraid, sir, I am too much exhausted to enter so fully into the subject before the committee as I could wish; but if my bodily strength is in any degree equal to the task, I feel so strongly the magnitude of this question, that I am extremely earnest to deliver my sentiments, which I rise to do with more satisfaction, because I

Four o'clock.

now look forward to the issue of this business with considerable hopes of success.

The debate has this night taken a turn, which, though it has produced a variety of new suggestions, has upon the whole, contracted this question into a much narrower point than it was ever brought into before.

I cannot say that I quite agree with the right honourable gentleman over the way.* For I am far from deploring all that has been said by my two honourable friends. I rather rejoice that they have now brought this subject to a fair issue, that something, at least, is already gained, and that the question has taken altogether a new course this night. It is true, a difference of opinion has been stated, and has been urged with all the force of argument that could be given to it. But permit me to say, that this difference has been urged upon principles very far removed from those which were maintained by the opponents of my honourable friend when he first brought forward his motion. There are very few of those who have spoken this night, who have not thought it their duty to declare their full and entire concurrence with my honourable friend in promoting the abolition of the slave trade, as their ultimate object. However we may differ as to the time and manner of it, we are agreed in the abolition itself; and my honourable friends have expressed their agreement in this sentiment with that sensibility upon the subject, which humanity does most undoubtedly require. I do not, however, think they yet perceive what are the neces sary consequences of their own concession, or follow up their own principles to their just conclusion.

The point now in dispute between us is a difference merely as to the period of time, at which the abolition of the slave trade ought to take place. I therefore congratulate this house, the country, and the world, that this great point is gained. That we † Mr. Dundas and Addington.

* Mr. Fox.
Mr. Wilberforce.

may now consider this trade as having received its condemnation; that its sentence is sealed; that this curse of mankind is seen by the house in its true light; and that the greatest stigma on our national character which ever yet existed, is about to be removed; and, sir, which is still more important, that mankind, I trust, in general, are now likely to be delivered from the greatest practical evil that ever has afflicted the human race; from the severest and most extensive calamity recorded in the history of the world!

In proceeding to give my reasons for concurring with my honourable friend in his motion, I shall necessarily advert to those topicks which my honourable friends near me have touched upon; and which they stated to be their motives for preferring a gradual, and in some degree a distant abolition of the slave trade, to the more immediate and direct measure now proposed to you. Beginning as I do, with declaring that in this respect I differ completely from my right honourable friends near me, I do not, however, mean to say, that I differ as to one observation which has been pressed rather strongly by them. If they can show that their proposition of a gradual abolition is more likely than ours to secure the object which we have in view; that by proceeding gradually we shall arrive more speedily at our end, and attain it with more certainty, than by a direct vote immediately to abolish; if they can show to the satisfaction both of myself and the committee, that our proposition has more the appearance of a speedy abolition, than the reality of it; undoubtedly they will in this case make a convert of me, and my honourable friend who moved the question. They will make a convert of every man among us, who looks to this, which I trust we all do, as a question not to be determined by theoretical principles or enthusiastick feelings, but considers the practicability of the measure, aiming simply to effect his object in the shortest time, and in the surest possible

manner.

If, however, I shall be able to show that our measure proceeds more directly to its object, and secures

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