LORD NORTH'S SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, ON A MOTION OF INQUIRY INTO THE STATE OF THE NATION, MADE IN THE YEAR 1779. DISTINGUISHED as Lord North confessedly was by the frequent exercise of the happiest powers of debate, there scarcely now exists a memorial of his eloquence. We have discovered amidst a mass of" threads and patches," a single speech, which seems to have some claims to authenticity, and of being accurately reported. It was delivered in a discussion on the "state of the nation," which took place on a motion made by Mr. Fox. The speech contains a very skilful vindication of himself, and of the measures of the ministry to which he belonged. It is, indeed, a model of its kind. Cool and dispassionate, it repels the violent invective, and rash criminations of his adversaries by a candid exhibition of facts, and a masterly application of arguments. This was the character of his eloquence. By pursuing a course so temperate, so discreet, so ingenuous, he often succeeded in disarming the virulence of opposition, and of compelling them to exchange their angry passions for a spirit relenting and conciliatory. MR. SPEAKER, SPEECH, &c. I AM much indebted to my learned friend, the attorney general, * near me, for the very favourable sentiments he has this day expressed of my publick services; much more, I fear, than I have any pretensions to. On that subject he has, perhaps, spoke with the partiality of a friend; on others, he has, I presume, given his opinion without any such bias. But how much soever I may be obliged to the learned gentleman, I cannot help rising on the present occa-sion, earnestly wishing to vindicate my character against the general and specifick accusation made by the honourable gentleman + over the way; and likewise to assure that honourable gentleman, that my present situation, sentiments, and intentions, will not permit me to accept of those friendly dispositions which he has been so kind as to mix with the general charges. I allude to the admonitions he has given to me for the regulation of my future political conduct. His charges being general and unqualified, deserve some answer. He has stated them with his usual ability. He has pressed them with his wonted eloquence. However unequal I may be to the honourable gentleman in these two respects, I must not, therefore, decline the vindication of my character, if I am conscious the justice of my cause will bear me out. Without that support, I am convinced of my own inability; with that support I have nothing to fear from the honourable gentleman's eloquence and ingenuity. The honourable gentleman has travelled through the whole of my ministerial conduct, and candidly imputes all the neglects and blunders of administration, as he calls them, to me. By his account, I have enough of my own to answer for, without being compelled to bear the blame due to others; but I will tell that gentleman, that I do not mean to fly from that state of responsibility attached to my office, nor from the general responsibility which I am bound to with others, as one of his majesty's confidential servants. If the honourable gentleman, which his speech would indicate, supposes me to be first, or sole minister, I do assure him he is mistaken. I know of no such minister in this country, and do therefore hope the honourable gentleman will consider me in two lights, namely, as acting at the head of a very important department, where I acknowledge I am solely answerable for whatever is transacted, and as acting in concert with others in his majesty's confidential councils. The honourable gentleman has gone a great way back, no less than to the whole of my conduct since I got connected with the board at which I have, at present, the honour to preside. I found the affairs of this country in great confusion, and the nation in a ferment.* I took a share in government when embarrassed by a strong factious opposition, who I thought, as I still do, acted upon mistaken or wrong motives. I assisted in maintaining government, and if the clamours current at that time were not silenced, they were rendered ineffectual to answer the purposes for which they were raised. The great and glorious victories of the late war, and our confessed and decided superiority on the ocean, created us many enemies, and an alarm in other parts of Europe; and if not enmity, at least coolness. France and Spain, suffering under the disgrace of successive defeats, were mortified and filled with resentment, and looking forward to retaliation. The eyes of the rest of Europe were drawn from the usual object of their jealousy, the house of Bourbon, thus fallen and humbled, towards our growing greatness. The system of Europe, at the time, admitted of no continental alliances, for to what end could they have been directed? The powers of the north were friendly inclined, and nothing at that period, gave any reason * Alluding to the Middlesex election, to counteract any probable or possible measures which might be entered into by the house of Bourbon. Such was the state and disposition of Europe, when America unjustly, and without provocation, resisted the constitutional claims of this country, and refused to pay that obedience which it was bound to render upon every principle of justice; nay, I might go further, and add, upon every motive of interest and advantage. Under the circumstances I have described, we were obliged to enter into a contest with rebellious subjects. I shall neither take blame to myself, nor impute any to others; but before we had it in our power to enforce legal government, France, contrary to every assurance and every principle of justice and good faith, traitorously interfered in the interval in the government of the British empire, and had the insolence, not only to prescribe the conduct we should observe towards our own subjects, but, by declaring the colonies independent, endeavoured to sever a third part of the empire, and wrest it out of our hands. The honourable gentleman says: Why not resign at this--why not resign at that-why not resign at another period? I will tell the honourable gentle. man, why I neither did, nor could resign. I was always determined never to resign as long as his majesty thought fit to accept of my poor services, and till I could do it with honour. Could I have resigned with honour when America first resisted? I answer no. Could I have resigned with honour in the prosecution of the American war, while the event of that war was yet depending? No. Could I have resigned with honour when France interfered and acknowledged American independency? Most certainly not. And ought I to resign at this period, or could I do it with honour to myself, or discharge my duty to my country, now we have the united force of the house of Bourbon to contend with? I am persuaded I could not. My language has always been uniformly the same, never to resign till a fit person was found to succeed me. I have not heard that person yet pointed out, nor do I know him. I am well convinced, that many persons of abilities, infinitely superiour to mine, could be found. I know no man more fit, in some respects, than the honourable gentleman himself; but his abilities, as far as they respect me, are out of the present question. He and his friends think differently from me on matters of very essential importance. I hope I have as great a reverence for the constitution as that gentleman; but his ideas are not perhaps exactly consonant to mine on that subject. I am for supporting the just and constitutional prerogatives of the crown, and the rights of parliament, according to the best of my own judgment; and upon these opinions I must continue to act, and can never, consequently, consent to call in any set of men, be they whom they may, as far as my feeble voice can reach, of whose political doctrines I do not approve. The good of my country, and my own honour, therefore, will not permit me to follow the honourable gentleman's advice, and subscribe to his opinion, that this is the proper time for me to resign. The honourable gentleman, after reprobating the whole of my publick conduct, is pleased to hold out several strong inducements to me to retire from publick business. offers me a full indemnity for all my past crimes and transgressions, as a publick man, for which I am greatly indebted to him, though, unfortunately, I cannot, or will not follow the advice thus given. He desires me to retire with the plunder I have amassed.* He says, in order to save his country, in which my resignation is included, that he would consent to let me, though a state criminal, escape with impunity; but he has coupled this very generous offer with a threat. He added, if I should not retire after this wholesome and friendly warning, that I must expect, in case of future disasters, to be brought to publick judgment, and to exemplary and condign punish ment. * Mr. Fox said, not plunder, but fortune. He |