was without any scruple or objection adtnitted into the treaty of peace; and the recognition of the royal title in the houses of Bavaria and Wurtemburgh stipulated with the express addition that the bond which had united these princes to the German imperial confederation, should not be considered as broken by the new prerogatives granted them.

In the mean while, under the veil of secrecy, the probably long-fostered plan of utterly annihilating the imperial constitution, had grown to maturity at Paris. A considerable number of the greater and smaller German Princes had offered their concurrence to this plan. Without giving the slightest previous intimation of so important an event to the legal head of the empire, the Princes who were under French authority, or French influence, on a sudden burst asunder the bond to which were joined so many of the most sacred rights of the Sovereign and the subject, and constituted the Emperor Napoleon their chief, under the title of a protector. It was only at the moment of a public notification of this proceeding, that his Majesty was informed that henceforth the Emperor Napoleon would know nothing of the existence of an Emperor of Germany and a German constitution." In order to give greater effect to this declaration, recourse was had to all those menacing expressions, which had hitherto undeviatingly accompanied every measure of the French cabinet, with redoubled emphasis, and under circumstances which his Majesty would gladly bury in

eternal oblivion.

ponderated over all of them, decided him to observe an opposite conduct. The immediate preservation of the Austrian monarchy was the Emperor's first and holiest duty; and on the mournful· concurrence of events which had taken place, this was become the common interest of all regents and nations which had not altogether and for ever renounced the felicity of independent existence. In the situation of the Emperor at that epoch, to have set the existence on Austria on a throw would have been a manifest contradiction to what his Ma jesty owed to himself and his faithful subjects, and would, besides, have broken in upon all the prospects and hopes of redemption entertamed by all fellow-sufferers with himself.

His Majesty thought himself so much the inore entitled to adopt as the basis of his policy, a system of a temporary renunciation of all resistance which might compromise the repose of the monarchý at so dangerous a moment, as the earlier history and uniformly consistent character of his government must for ever absolve his Majesty from the suspicion of considering exclusively his private interest, and indulging a selfish indifference to the welfare of neighbouring states! What the Emperor had done, during a long series of years, to oppose a barrier against the torrent of universal ruin which had been rushing in, was known; what had frustrated his efforts was not less notorious. Now it was of moment to yield to necessity. An insulated and untimely resistance would have been then as assuredly and essentially calamitous to Austria, Germany, and Europe, as at an earlier period the inactivity of other powers, and their deplorable system of separation.

His Majesty, therefore, resolved to prevent all useless and painful discussions of a subject, the bearings of which were, besides, subject to no doubt. This resolution was facilitated by the unqualified subserviency and subjection which appeared to promote, on all sides, the success of so violent a revolution, through the silence of all other powers, and especially the marked indifference with which a considerable part of Germany beheld the destruction of the ancient institutions. To be compelled to maintain by arms, a crown which had been entrusted to him by the legal election of the imperial states, which had been worn with glory for centuries by

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his illustrious ancestors, for the protection and welfare of the empire, would, under less oppressive circumstances, have put the dignity and sensibility of his Majesty to a painful trial. He laid down this crown.

-It might have been believed that so important a step would at least not have failed to improve his relations towards France. But the state of things remained the same. None of the outstanding conditions of the peace were performed; every attempt to procure their execution was answered with reproaches and threats. Far from any way taking into the account all that Austria had done for the maintenance of peace, the French cabinet seemed, on the contrary, resolved to avail itself of every proof she had given of moderation and submission, as a basis and step to make still severer demands; and it is hard to determine whether this constant and hostile irritation might, even then, have led, in spite of all the efforts of his Majesty, if the breaking out of a war with Prussia had not occasioned a necessary pause.

His Majesty could not possibly behold with indifference the progress and issue of this war. The fate which had befallen the Prussian monarchy and the royal house of its Sovereign was in itself severe enough to awaken the liveliest sympathy; and the easily calculated consequences of this event affected the interest of the Austrian states on so many and such critical points that the gloomiest apprehensions for the future appeared to be justified on all sides. To take a share in such a conflict at any other period would, from the most urgent and laudable motives, have been his duty, but now motives to which all others were forced to yield, had imposed the necessity of following a contrary system; and his Majesty, with the same firmness with which he had been able to yield up his own prerogatives and own advantages, now renounced that higher satisfaction which the application of his resources in behalf of his neighbours would have afforded him. At all times hostile to an ambiguous and insincere policy, he did not, in this situation of things, permit himself to maintain a false, or half-neutrality; and the strictness with which from the beginning of the war he adhered to this resolution forced the Emperor Napoleon to become the unwilling eulogist of it.

Peace took place without the inteference of his Majesty, though the mediation he had not long before proposed to the belligerent powers merited a reciprocal attention. The conditions were by no means of a kind to appease or merely mitigate the earlier-formed apprehensions of the Emperor: but as his Majesty, invariable in his peaceful projects, had made no resistance to the changes in the government affected at Naples and in Holland, he also accommodated himself to those which had been settled at Tilsit. It would have been in vain for him to attempt deceiving himself concerning the fearful and dangerous extent of the advantages which were secured to the Emperor Napoleon by the Tilsit peace; and yet, contemplated from a certain point of view, it seemed as if the very extent of these advantages afforded some prospect of repose by the gratification of certain desires, which it was easy to see would follow. If this glimmering of hope vanished but too soon, he cannot at least be reproached by the French government, with having attended to it for a moment.

In the mean while all the subterfuges which had been employed to delay the execution of the treaty of Presburg from time to time till October in the year 1807, lost even their ostensible meaning. The evacuation of certain points of the Austrian territory possessed by the French troops could not with decency be any longer postponed. A nego ciation was begun. The fortress of Brannau was given back. The possessions on the right bank of the Isonzo were lost. Under the arbitrary denomination of an exchange, the Earldom of Mont-Falcone, on the left bank of that river, was ceded to Austria, as an indemnity; but this had not a tenth part of the actual value of what was to be given back on the conclusion of peace.

It soon appeared that even this shadow of moderation, this half-return to friendly relations, was but the introduction to new embarrassments, and the most oppressive demands. The Empe ror Napoleon had resolved that his war with England should be the concern of the whole continent, his hatred of the British government, the inheritance of all Sovereigns and nations; and the oppression which, in order to injure Eng land, he had laid upon the industry and

trade of every country which his troops or his decrees could reach, should be the line to be adopted by all states. Under the pretence of not having rendered sufficient homage to this unheardof system, a few months after the Tilsit peace, the house of Braganza was driven from the throne of Portugal! At the same time a distinct proposal was made to his imperial Majesty utterly to abandon all connections with England; and the choice between such a resolution and an immediate war with France, was the intimation that accompanied this proposal, without any further modification or mitigation,

Though, under the circumstances of the moment, and the measures already forced upon his Majesty in the year of 1806, concerning the exclusion of the British flag from his ports, and by means of the entire blockade which the Emperor Napoleon had ordered of the continental harbours, the commerce of the Austrian dominions was already in a high degree crippled and destroyed; nevertheless, the step now required gave the evil its utmost extension, and, in fact, the effects became too soon visible to their full extent. Considered from a higher point of view, the sacrifice which his Majesty on this occasion made for the maintenance of peace was of no small importance. It broke the bonds which had hitherto connected the common interests of the European states; it impeded every reciprocal communication; it lessened the means of defence possessed by the greater states, and completed the abject condition of the smaller; and in as far as motives of personal hostility, with which Austria had nothing in common, co-operated, it could not but be more sensibly felt by the Emperor. When this sacrifice was to be offered up, his Majesty felt still more acutely than before, how difficult it would be to fix any external limit to his pacific submissiveness opposed to the ever-growing pretensions of the French

cabinet.

Soon after this negociation, the restless ambition of this cabinet manifested itself in a new shape, apparently less hostile to Austria. Proposals were made to his Majesty, which respected the dissolution and partition of a great adjoining empire. The palpable injustice of such an enterprize (which made a stronger impression upon his Majesty, be cause the very cabinet which had made

VOL. VI.

the proposal, had hitherto suffered no opportunity to pass by without declaring that the preservation and integrity of that empire was one of the fundamental maxims of its political system) would have been quite sufficient to restrain the Emperor from giving his approbation to it; but besides this, a sound policy, and the true interest of his monarchy, would never have allowed him to take a share in it. The proffered increase of territory would have been, at best, an illusive gain to his Majesty: on the other hand, the only sure consequence would have been, the introduction of a French army into the interior of his states.-and what the consequence of this latter circumstance might have been, was exhibited on another theatre of French policy with fearful and warning perspicuity.

The transactions beyond the Pyrennees, by which a dynasty closely connected by family bonds with the Austrian house was robbed of the throne and freedom, would, without any personal reference, have deeply affected his imperial Majesty. Not less would his Majesty have been touched and afflicted by the unmerited fate of a noble and high minded nation, which, at one blow, deprived of their dearest blessings, their independence, their constitution, their laws and their princes, had no other than the desperate resource remaining of a glorious resistance. But the circumstances by which this shocking catastrophe had been prepared and occasioned, added to its natural effect, For twelve years had the Spanish court, in order to purchase from a formidable neighbour, if not friendship, at least forbearance, sacrificed its resources, treasure, troops, fleets, and colonies. The will of the Emperor Napoleon was as omnipotent in Spain as in France. But instead of this excess of subserviency availing to save what alone was remaining to it an independent name, internal security, and domestic peace-this court found rather, in its mistaken endeavours to obtain repose, the immedi ate source of its ruin. His imperial Majesty had also declined no sacrifice for the maintenance and assurance of peace; only one boundary he had not overstepped. He had at all times carefully maintained the dignity of his throne, and the right of leaving no means unemployed for its defence. That when that is trifled with, and this is neglected,

nothing can withhold the state from ruin, the fate of Spain has confirmed by a frightful and warning experience. In the then situation of Austria, such an example could not fail of its effect; an army of 200,000 men environed the monarchy, and waited but the signal of attack. The conquest of the Western states being thus completed by that of Spain and Portugal; and the principle, that every thing is just and lawful which the interest of the Emperor of France required, being openly avowed in this act of outrageous violence, and without reserve proclaimed in the official papers of the government; and that restless love of dominion, for which Europe seemed hardly large enough, having on no account found its limit; nothing was more natural than the expectation, that the next mortal blow would be aimed at Austria. The apprehensions and presentiments of the world were in concord with such an expectation.

What at the same time was taking place in Italy, gave new force to these threatening omens. That broad circle of dominion which at one time was denoted under the name of the New Federal System-at another, under the more expressive appellation of the Great Empire, had long embraced the whole of the Italian states. This was not enough. The subjugation was to go into the detail—was to be more immediate and complete. The Pope had, in the sense of his duty, resisted a series of pretensions which would have wounded the dignity of the head of the church, and his ancient rights as a Sovereign. In an instant every thing was disregarded, which reverence for his sublime person, and esteem for the greater part of christendom, which beheld in him a common father, appeared to prescribe, even to unsparing violence. Tho provinces were taken away which remained to the Pope after earlier enroachments. Rome itself became the seat of a military prefecture, and it could not be concealed from the world that his holiness endured, in his own capital, the fate of a state prisoner. The provinces belonging to the church, as well as the principalities of Parma and Placenza, and the kingdom of Etruria, which France herself had erected, and now suddenly and tyrannically destroyed, were incorporated either with France or the kingdom of Italy; and Austria learnt on this occasion, by a solemn

oration in the French senate, that "it is the will of the Emperor Napoleon that the whole coast of the Mediterranean and Adriatic sea be united either with the French territory, or with that of the Great Empire."

To rely, under such circumstances, upon the uninterrupted continuance of peace, however strong, the resolution might be to do the utmost to obtain it, would have been obvious infatuation. From day to day the necessity might occur of vindicating the independence of the monarchy from pretensions utterly inadmissible, or from immediate attack; from day to day the approximation of this critical moment became more apparent. If there were means of averting this, they could be found only in the adoption of a perfect system of defence-only in a military constitu tion which might set bounds as effectual as possible to the hope of subjugating the monarchy with ease. In this sense, and with this design alone, did his Majesty adopt those measures which were to lay a broader foundation for the reinforcement and completion of his army. The enlightened patriotism of his faithful subjects promoted the success of these measures. Every mind was impressed with the conviction that his Majesty sought nothing but well gua-` ranteed repose; that nothing was more foreign from his breast than a longing after war; and that inevitable necessity alone could induce him to demand new sacrifices from his people. The paternal regulations of the Emperor were every where carried into execution, with a confidence honourable alike to the government and the citizen.

The true character of those measures could be mistaken or misinterpreted by foreign powers, only in case they were before resolved to deny Austria the right of self-preservation. Every thing which was established at that period remained within the strictest limits of a just system of defence. It was confined to the organization and completion of the military powers of the nation; and so much the less reason was there to apprehend that this could give offence to any state, as similar, and far more extensive establishments had been made for several years before, and were every day making, not only in France, but in other adjoining countries. The kingdom was surrounded by foreign armies, who were put upon a war establishment, and every moment

ready to march. The Austrian troops were on the peace establishment; they were dispersed in their ordinary garrisons, and no where collected together, A position exciting less suspicion, and giving less alarm, could not well be expected from a great state.

Even on the part of the French cabinet there was no reason to expect complaint; as his Majesty, on every occasion which presented itself, gave proof of his unshaken adherence to the pacific system he had hitherto followed. While, to avoid unpleasant discussions, his Majesty maintained an uninterrupted silence on some very essential matters of complaint-while, by virtue of an arbitrary decree, more than 80 Austrian vessels had been taken by French cruizers (a procedure which afforded no very promising prognostic of the freedom of the sea) the Austrian court was incessantly engaged in repelling from itself and its subordinate agents the fancied or feigned accusations which were brought forward by restless French agents, principally at Trieste. Not one of these accusations could be verified. They were all victoriously refuted. His Majesty did not, however, rest here. In order to close a source of groundless yet ever-returning complaints, and at the same time give the French government a proof of readiness which even anticipated its desires, and which, as the Emperor flattered himself, would allow no doubt to arise concerning his real sentiments, his Majesty did not hesitate, how severely soever this further restriction upon the last mains of commerce would be felt in his maritime provinces, to shut his harbours (though not required to do so) against

the North American states.

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But nothing now had the power to induce France to estimate more justly the conduct of his Majesty. The steps which his Majesty had taken to secure the existence and independence of his states, in case of a nearer approaching danger, passed in the eyes of the Emperor Napoleon for so many unwarrantable attempts to counteract the plans which had long been prepared, and were to determine the future destiny of this kingdom. These steps were treated as hostile movements against France. The most anxious endeavours of the Austrian minister to set this matter in a proper light were without effect. Their explanations were not worthy of any attention. The French cabinet intimated in an official note of the 30th. of July, 1808,

'War is inevitable, unless the military movements made throughout the Austrian monarchy be succeeded by measures of a directly contrary tendency;' and this also, after the same note had immediately before expressed, The French army in Germany, as well as in Italy, is twice as strong as it was in 1805, independently of the troops of the confederation? From that day war was to be considered as declared! The language then held was never retracted. At Paris, Bayonne, and Erfurt, it remained unalterably the If, in the meanwhile, events ocsame. curred which held the French armies engaged on other points, this could be considered only as a compulsory postponement of actual hostilities. The resolution was embraced, to bring the point to a decision as soon as possible. The relations between Austria and France had taken a certain direction; and an essential change in those relations was for this reason impossible-that the condition of peace imposed by the Emperor Napoleon was of such a character that it could not be even a subject of deliberation.

Already in the month of August, steps were taken which caused an immediate rupture to be apprehended. The German princes dependent upon France were called upon to furnish troops even beyond their contingents, to collect them together into camps, and to be every day prepared to march. That, which with intentional perversity was called "the armaments of Austria," was assign ed as the reason for these measures. The French armies themselves made movements, the direction and object of which were for a long time veiled in obscurity. During several weeks, the strongest apprehensions were raised on different points of the Austrian frontier; and numerous French agents, from Lisbon to Constantinople, already announced the speedy ruin of this monarchy,

The tempest, however, dispersed "for a time. But not to suffer the moment to pass away without profiting from it, the French cabinet required the immediate and unconditional recognition of the. French prince who had been nominated King of Spain, amid the most determined resistance of the Spanish nation. The price set upon this recognition, was the removal of the French troops from the hitherto closely environed frontiers of Austria, to a somewhat remote, but not less dangerous position But his Majesty well knew, at the same time, that he was indebted for the al